Two and a half years after ending their troubled relationship as prime minister and foreign minister, tensions have again flared between Olmert and Livni.
Former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's autobiography indicates that former Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni undermined a potential peace agreement with the Palestinians during Ehud Olmert's term as prime minister, according to a senior Kadima source.
Two and a half years after ending their troubled relationship as prime minister and foreign minister, tensions have again flared between Olmert and Livni.
Rice's memoir, "No Higher Honor," will be published in the United States in the next few days. Extracts of the autobiography have already been published in the American media and on Haaretz's Internet site by Natasha Mozgovaya last week.
In one part, Rice writes that Livni told her not to be too impressed by Olmert's far-reaching proposal to the Palestinians since "he has no standing in Israel." Rice writes that it seemed to her that Livni had said similar things to the Palestinian side.
A senior Kadima source who read the two extracts said they indicate Livni had acted behind Olmert's back to undermine a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians.
The source said Livni made it clear to her interlocutors that Olmert, who was nearing the end of his tenure due to criminal investigations against him, had no public standing or the political ability to clinch such a far-reaching agreement in the cabinet and Knesset. She advised them to wait until she took over from him.
Officials and diplomats familiar with the feverish negotiations between November 2007, when the Annapolis conference was held, and December 2008, near the end of Olmert's government, told Haaretz on Thursday that Olmert's proposal was comprehensive, serious and thorough. They said the proposal, which has been published several times since then, was the result of dozens of meetings with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.
Livni, who conducted talks with Palestinian official Abu Ala, was not aware of all the details of Olmert's proposal.
Olmert briefed President George W. Bush and Rice on the details of his proposal, which included giving Jerusalem an international status and bringing around 5,000 Palestinian refugees into Israel.
When Livni learned of the proposal, from a Haaretz report in September 2008, she spoke out publicly against international control of the Old City and the return of a few thousand refugees to Israel.
Rice says in her book that Livni had urged her at their meetings not to accept Olmert's proposal.
On Thursday, Livni's bureau denied the statements she allegedly made. "When the proposal's details were reported by the media, American officials - I don't remember if it was Rice or somebody else - asked Livni for her opinion. Livni, faithful to her way of saying the same in private and in public, objected to returning refugees and to giving Jerusalem an international status," an aide said.
Livni's associates said that after Olmert had announced his resignation American officials, including Rice, asked many questions about his political status. This was one of the subjects Livni and Rice discussed.
Olmert's spokesman said: "The former prime minister did not know of any approach on Livni's part to the American administration or the Palestinians to foil reaching an agreement with the Palestinians. Olmert was surprised to read about it in recent reports about Rice's autobiography."
Oct 27, 2011
Palestinians file complaint with UN Security Council over Lieberman 'incitement'
PA says Israel's Foreign Minister's remarks calling President Abbas the 'biggest obstacle' to peace constitute a clear threat against his life.
The Palestinian Authority has filed a complaint with the United Nations Security Council over the 'incitement' by Israel's Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman.
The complaint cites an article published by Haaretz on Monday, in which Lieberman was quoted as saying that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is the "greatest obstacle" to regional order, and that it would be a "blessing" if the Palestinian leader were to resign.
"If there is one obstacle that should be removed immediately, it is [Abbas]," he said. "If he were to return the keys and resign, it would not be a threat, but a blessing."
The letter submitted on Tuesday to the Security Council states that "we unequivocally reject and object to such incitement, which we consider to be a clear threat against the life of President Mahmoud Abbas, whose commitment to peace is absolutely unquestionable."
The letter also refers to Israeli settlement construction, planned construction in Israel and the separation wall.
In a letter sent to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office on Tuesday, the PA's minister of civilian affairs, Hussein a-Sheikh, demanded that the Israeli government issue a formal apology for the FM's comments, saying that they represented a direct threat to Abbas's life.
"In the name of the Palestinian Authority, we condemn the statements made by Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, which carry explicit incitement against President Mahmoud Abbas," the letter read, adding: "We consider the comments to be a direct threat against a natural partner for peace."
On Monday, the EU chided Lieberman for his comments on Abbas, with European Foreign Minister Catherine Ashton saying that "the reported remarks of Israel's foreign minister ... are regrettably not helpful to create the environment of trust conducive to negotiations."
"The EU has consistently called for reconciliation behind President Abbas as an important element for reaching a two-state solution," she added.
In another apparent comment on Lieberman's remarks, President Shimon Peres offered public support to the Palestinian leadership, saying that "Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad are serious leaders who want peace and are working to prevent violence and extremism in our area."
The Palestinian Authority has filed a complaint with the United Nations Security Council over the 'incitement' by Israel's Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman.
The complaint cites an article published by Haaretz on Monday, in which Lieberman was quoted as saying that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is the "greatest obstacle" to regional order, and that it would be a "blessing" if the Palestinian leader were to resign.
"If there is one obstacle that should be removed immediately, it is [Abbas]," he said. "If he were to return the keys and resign, it would not be a threat, but a blessing."
The letter submitted on Tuesday to the Security Council states that "we unequivocally reject and object to such incitement, which we consider to be a clear threat against the life of President Mahmoud Abbas, whose commitment to peace is absolutely unquestionable."
The letter also refers to Israeli settlement construction, planned construction in Israel and the separation wall.
In a letter sent to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office on Tuesday, the PA's minister of civilian affairs, Hussein a-Sheikh, demanded that the Israeli government issue a formal apology for the FM's comments, saying that they represented a direct threat to Abbas's life.
"In the name of the Palestinian Authority, we condemn the statements made by Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, which carry explicit incitement against President Mahmoud Abbas," the letter read, adding: "We consider the comments to be a direct threat against a natural partner for peace."
On Monday, the EU chided Lieberman for his comments on Abbas, with European Foreign Minister Catherine Ashton saying that "the reported remarks of Israel's foreign minister ... are regrettably not helpful to create the environment of trust conducive to negotiations."
"The EU has consistently called for reconciliation behind President Abbas as an important element for reaching a two-state solution," she added.
In another apparent comment on Lieberman's remarks, President Shimon Peres offered public support to the Palestinian leadership, saying that "Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad are serious leaders who want peace and are working to prevent violence and extremism in our area."
Abbas to discuss fate of PA with Hamas next month
The PA was set up as a state-in-waiting 17 years ago, but is now seen by critics as compromised body that eases the burden of occupation for Israel.
President Mahmoud Abbas said on Thursday that he plans to discuss the fate of the Palestinian Authority with his rivals Hamas next month, raising questions over its future with the peace process at a dead end.
"The Authority is not an authority. People and Palestinian institutions are asking me about the benefits of the continuation of the Authority," Abbas said in comments to his Fatah party published by WAFA news agency on Thursday.
The day before, the Palestinian leader said in an address "we want to answer this question and therefore it will be one of the subjects we will discuss with our brother Khaled Meshaal, leader of Hamas."
"The question we must answer is where are we heading?"
The PA was set up as a state-in-waiting 17 years ago, but is now seen by critics as compromised body that eases the burden of occupation for Israel.
Abbas, 76, offered no clues about what he could do to maintain the PA's relevance, which depends on the financial support of donors including the European Union, the United States and Arab governments.
Today, its mandate is limited to patches of West Bank land encompassing the main Palestinian cities and villages, territory handed to the PA under interim peace agreements in the 1990s.
The West Bank, along with the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem are territories Israel captured in a 1967 war and where the Palestinians aim to found an independent state. Gaza is currently controlled by the more militant Hamas.
Peace talks aimed at bringing about independence are at a standstill because of a dispute over Israel's expansion of settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank.
November meeting with Hamas
Abbas said last month in a speech to the UN General Assembly that settlement expansion threatened to destroy the chances of the establishment of a viable Palestinian state and to kill off the Palestinian Authority.
Some Palestinians say the PA should be dissolved completely, a move they say would hand Israel full responsibility for governing all the Palestinians in the territories it controls.
Now, the PA takes care of civilian affairs in the main Palestinian population centers, where it also manages internal security -- responsibilities critics say Israel should be handed if there is to be no Palestinian independence any time soon.
Others say that it is unrealistic, arguing the Palestinians would suffer from such a step. The PA employs 150,000 people and there is no guarantee Israel would step in were it to disappear.
The role of the PA was part of a broader question the Palestinians must address, Abbas said. This included their next steps at the United Nations, where on Sept. 23 Abbas requested admission for Palestine as a full member state. Fierce U.S. opposition to the move is destined to thwart it.
Abbas said he planned to meet the Hamas leadership at the start of November. It will be his first meeting with Meshaal since May, when the two men concluded a deal aimed at reuniting their rival governments in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Hamas seized control of the Gaza Strip from Abbas in 2007 and has governed there ever since, building its own administration and security forces, while Abbas continues to head the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank.
Since signing the deal, Fatah and Hamas have failed to make progress toward the implementation of a unity government.
President Mahmoud Abbas said on Thursday that he plans to discuss the fate of the Palestinian Authority with his rivals Hamas next month, raising questions over its future with the peace process at a dead end.
"The Authority is not an authority. People and Palestinian institutions are asking me about the benefits of the continuation of the Authority," Abbas said in comments to his Fatah party published by WAFA news agency on Thursday.
The day before, the Palestinian leader said in an address "we want to answer this question and therefore it will be one of the subjects we will discuss with our brother Khaled Meshaal, leader of Hamas."
"The question we must answer is where are we heading?"
The PA was set up as a state-in-waiting 17 years ago, but is now seen by critics as compromised body that eases the burden of occupation for Israel.
Abbas, 76, offered no clues about what he could do to maintain the PA's relevance, which depends on the financial support of donors including the European Union, the United States and Arab governments.
Today, its mandate is limited to patches of West Bank land encompassing the main Palestinian cities and villages, territory handed to the PA under interim peace agreements in the 1990s.
The West Bank, along with the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem are territories Israel captured in a 1967 war and where the Palestinians aim to found an independent state. Gaza is currently controlled by the more militant Hamas.
Peace talks aimed at bringing about independence are at a standstill because of a dispute over Israel's expansion of settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank.
November meeting with Hamas
Abbas said last month in a speech to the UN General Assembly that settlement expansion threatened to destroy the chances of the establishment of a viable Palestinian state and to kill off the Palestinian Authority.
Some Palestinians say the PA should be dissolved completely, a move they say would hand Israel full responsibility for governing all the Palestinians in the territories it controls.
Now, the PA takes care of civilian affairs in the main Palestinian population centers, where it also manages internal security -- responsibilities critics say Israel should be handed if there is to be no Palestinian independence any time soon.
Others say that it is unrealistic, arguing the Palestinians would suffer from such a step. The PA employs 150,000 people and there is no guarantee Israel would step in were it to disappear.
The role of the PA was part of a broader question the Palestinians must address, Abbas said. This included their next steps at the United Nations, where on Sept. 23 Abbas requested admission for Palestine as a full member state. Fierce U.S. opposition to the move is destined to thwart it.
Abbas said he planned to meet the Hamas leadership at the start of November. It will be his first meeting with Meshaal since May, when the two men concluded a deal aimed at reuniting their rival governments in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Hamas seized control of the Gaza Strip from Abbas in 2007 and has governed there ever since, building its own administration and security forces, while Abbas continues to head the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank.
Since signing the deal, Fatah and Hamas have failed to make progress toward the implementation of a unity government.
Grapel to Netanyahu: I underwent difficult times in Egyptian prison, but was treated fairly
American-Israeli citizen jailed in Cairo on suspicion of espionage meets with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu; PM thanks U.S. and Egypt governments for efforts to secure his release.
Ilan Grapel, an American-Israeli citizen jailed in Cairo on suspicion of espionage for over four months, met with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel on Thursday after he was released. Grapel told the prime minister that he underwent difficult times in prison, but was treated fairly.
Grapel was freed in exchange for 25 Egyptian prisoners, all held on criminal charges, who were released to Egypt prior to his return.
Grapel landed at Ben-Gurion Airport Thursday evening accompanied by Kadima MK Yisrael Hasson and attorney Yitzhak Molcho who mediated the talks leading up to his release.
Grapel was met by his mother, Congressman Gary Ackerman whom Grapel worked for and American Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro.
The American-Israeli went with his mother straight from the airport to a short meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at his office in Jerusalem. Grapel thanked the prime minister for his efforts to secure his release, and told him about his time in prison.
"This was hanging on a thread and I am glad it worked," Netanyahu said. "I am very grateful to the governments of Egypt and the United States."
MK Hasson told Haaretz on Thursday that Grapel had explained that he had come to Cairo as part of his studies and because he was interested in the goings-on in Egypt.
"He said that he went to demonstrations out of curiosity, and never imagined that he would find himself in prison," Hasson said.
According to Hasson, during the talks to secure Grapel's release, the topic of Oda Tarabin, an Israeli that has been held in Egypt for 11 years, was brought up.
"The issue of Tarabin was on the table, and is still on the table and I hope it will end for the best. The less we speak about it, the better," Hasson said.
State Department Spokesperson Victoria Nuland said in a statement that "the United States welcomes the release of Ilan Grapel, who we have worked hard to bring home since his June detention in Egypt."
She thanked the governments of Egypt and Israel for their roles in reuniting him with his family, adding, "the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty is a vital element of regional peace and stability, and we strongly support both countries' sustained commitment to its provisions."
Ilan Grapel, an American-Israeli citizen jailed in Cairo on suspicion of espionage for over four months, met with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel on Thursday after he was released. Grapel told the prime minister that he underwent difficult times in prison, but was treated fairly.
Grapel was freed in exchange for 25 Egyptian prisoners, all held on criminal charges, who were released to Egypt prior to his return.
Grapel landed at Ben-Gurion Airport Thursday evening accompanied by Kadima MK Yisrael Hasson and attorney Yitzhak Molcho who mediated the talks leading up to his release.
Grapel was met by his mother, Congressman Gary Ackerman whom Grapel worked for and American Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro.
The American-Israeli went with his mother straight from the airport to a short meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at his office in Jerusalem. Grapel thanked the prime minister for his efforts to secure his release, and told him about his time in prison.
"This was hanging on a thread and I am glad it worked," Netanyahu said. "I am very grateful to the governments of Egypt and the United States."
MK Hasson told Haaretz on Thursday that Grapel had explained that he had come to Cairo as part of his studies and because he was interested in the goings-on in Egypt.
"He said that he went to demonstrations out of curiosity, and never imagined that he would find himself in prison," Hasson said.
According to Hasson, during the talks to secure Grapel's release, the topic of Oda Tarabin, an Israeli that has been held in Egypt for 11 years, was brought up.
"The issue of Tarabin was on the table, and is still on the table and I hope it will end for the best. The less we speak about it, the better," Hasson said.
State Department Spokesperson Victoria Nuland said in a statement that "the United States welcomes the release of Ilan Grapel, who we have worked hard to bring home since his June detention in Egypt."
She thanked the governments of Egypt and Israel for their roles in reuniting him with his family, adding, "the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty is a vital element of regional peace and stability, and we strongly support both countries' sustained commitment to its provisions."
Oct 26, 2011
Prisoner exchange deals won't bring peace
It's time to get to know a different and beautiful creature called reconciliation, a kind of bridge of hope over the rivers of blood.
Does anyone really think that peace can be reached while thousands of Palestinian prisoners rot away in jail? In the past, the insistence on keeping a "souvenir" from Lebanon after Israel's retreat caused three soldiers to be kidnapped, and the insistence on keeping more prisoners in jail during talks for the soldiers' release triggered another kidnapping and war. If in May 2000 all the residue of the cursed Lebanese war had been dealt with, thousands of lives could have been saved.
I regret that in these days of celebration, when the bells of freedom ring in many hearts on both sides, I feel obliged to discuss these questions. But I see no choice when faced with the grinding teeth and clenched jaws of tormented analysts and security hawks, whose world crumbles upon any hint of compromise between the two peoples. And their prophecies of doom only deepen the agony of victims' families and stoke a desire for revenge among the public.
Again the flag is raised, worn out by cynical use, against the release of prisoners with "blood on their hands," as if the tens of thousands of Palestinians killed on the fields of the terrible conflict have no murderers whose hands drip with blood. Well, sirs, in this war make sure never to be a Palestinian victim, for you will never have a murderer to call your own. And try never to be an Israeli victim, for your obsessive revengers will bring yet more ruin to the region, including your own people.
What will those Palestinians do who can't enjoy the luxury of what is called "settling accounts" with their sons' and daughters' murderers? On the Palestinian side, as opposed to the Israeli side, they have no soldiers in enemy dress to drag murderers from their beds, they have no investigators, stool pigeons and lawyers. They don't even have prisons. So who will settle accounts, for example, with the murderers of 1,211 children killed in the second intifada; who will settle accounts with the murderers of the daughters of Ezzeldeen Abu al-Aish in Gaza? But why go so far afield? Who will settle accounts with the murderers of Asil Asala from Arabeh, an Israeli citizen murdered in his village's olive grove in October 2000?
The poet Taha Muhammad Ali said of the Palestinian that "his rights are a grain of salt dropped in the ocean." If Levi Eshkol had, as he said, an "open notebook and a recording hand," then the Palestinians, as far as notebooks go, have a thick volume. And if it is accounts we're talking about, shouldn't accounts be settled with former U.S. President George W. Bush, who went to war in Iraq, incurring tens of thousands of victims, based on false premises? And shouldn't accounts be settled with then-Secretary of State Colin Powell, who dangled "evidence" in front of the entire world at the United Nations "proving" that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, yet to be discovered on the ground?
In the meantime, while the desire for revenge calls out from every television screen, please get ready for the next deal: Closely guard Israel's national treasure - its Palestinian prisoners - so cruelly reduced in the latest dilution. And guard every soldier, lest he be kidnapped, and guard the guards. And wait for the next power struggle.
This isn't the way to peace or preventing the next round of violence. It's high time we change the disk and recognize that revenge is neither ethical nor worthwhile since it's a double-edged sword. It's time to get to know a different and beautiful creature called reconciliation, a kind of bridge of hope over the rivers of blood; to recognize that the enemy, whether Arab or Jew, is also endowed with a beating human heart and also has sons who wait and mothers who worry, in the words of Taha Muhammad Ali. And most importantly, we must realize that the distance between revenge and reconciliation is the same as that between war and peace.
Does anyone really think that peace can be reached while thousands of Palestinian prisoners rot away in jail? In the past, the insistence on keeping a "souvenir" from Lebanon after Israel's retreat caused three soldiers to be kidnapped, and the insistence on keeping more prisoners in jail during talks for the soldiers' release triggered another kidnapping and war. If in May 2000 all the residue of the cursed Lebanese war had been dealt with, thousands of lives could have been saved.
I regret that in these days of celebration, when the bells of freedom ring in many hearts on both sides, I feel obliged to discuss these questions. But I see no choice when faced with the grinding teeth and clenched jaws of tormented analysts and security hawks, whose world crumbles upon any hint of compromise between the two peoples. And their prophecies of doom only deepen the agony of victims' families and stoke a desire for revenge among the public.
Again the flag is raised, worn out by cynical use, against the release of prisoners with "blood on their hands," as if the tens of thousands of Palestinians killed on the fields of the terrible conflict have no murderers whose hands drip with blood. Well, sirs, in this war make sure never to be a Palestinian victim, for you will never have a murderer to call your own. And try never to be an Israeli victim, for your obsessive revengers will bring yet more ruin to the region, including your own people.
What will those Palestinians do who can't enjoy the luxury of what is called "settling accounts" with their sons' and daughters' murderers? On the Palestinian side, as opposed to the Israeli side, they have no soldiers in enemy dress to drag murderers from their beds, they have no investigators, stool pigeons and lawyers. They don't even have prisons. So who will settle accounts, for example, with the murderers of 1,211 children killed in the second intifada; who will settle accounts with the murderers of the daughters of Ezzeldeen Abu al-Aish in Gaza? But why go so far afield? Who will settle accounts with the murderers of Asil Asala from Arabeh, an Israeli citizen murdered in his village's olive grove in October 2000?
The poet Taha Muhammad Ali said of the Palestinian that "his rights are a grain of salt dropped in the ocean." If Levi Eshkol had, as he said, an "open notebook and a recording hand," then the Palestinians, as far as notebooks go, have a thick volume. And if it is accounts we're talking about, shouldn't accounts be settled with former U.S. President George W. Bush, who went to war in Iraq, incurring tens of thousands of victims, based on false premises? And shouldn't accounts be settled with then-Secretary of State Colin Powell, who dangled "evidence" in front of the entire world at the United Nations "proving" that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, yet to be discovered on the ground?
In the meantime, while the desire for revenge calls out from every television screen, please get ready for the next deal: Closely guard Israel's national treasure - its Palestinian prisoners - so cruelly reduced in the latest dilution. And guard every soldier, lest he be kidnapped, and guard the guards. And wait for the next power struggle.
This isn't the way to peace or preventing the next round of violence. It's high time we change the disk and recognize that revenge is neither ethical nor worthwhile since it's a double-edged sword. It's time to get to know a different and beautiful creature called reconciliation, a kind of bridge of hope over the rivers of blood; to recognize that the enemy, whether Arab or Jew, is also endowed with a beating human heart and also has sons who wait and mothers who worry, in the words of Taha Muhammad Ali. And most importantly, we must realize that the distance between revenge and reconciliation is the same as that between war and peace.
Hamas boosting anti-aircraft arsenal with looted Libyan missiles
Shoulder-fired anti-aicraft missiles have been smuggled into Gaza in recent years at Iran's initiative, but the fall of Muammar Gadhafi's regime has enabled Hamas to bring in much higher quality missiles.
A rocket fired by Palestinians from Gaza last night landed between Ashdod and Gedera, in the first such attack after a two-month period of quiet. Sirens sounded in Ashdod and nearby communities and residents were told to enter protected rooms and shelters. There were no injuries.
Since the terrorist attack on the Egyptian border near Eilat that killed eight on August 18, the Gaza border has been relatively calm with only a few rocket launches, most directed at small communities near the Gaza Strip. Last night's rocket, fired around 11:10 p.m., landed in a field. It seems to have been fired from the northern end of the Gaza Strip, from a distance of about 30-35 kilometers . The explosion was heard clearly all over Ashdod, which means it had a relatively large warhead.
It was not clear last night which Palestinian organization fired the rocket, though Israeli intelligence officials believed that in recent months Hamas had little incentive to launch such attacks and cause an escalation. It is possible a small faction fired the rocket in defiance of Hamas, which is trying to leverage its success in freeing prisoners in the Gilad Shalit swap.
The improved quality of anti-aircraft missiles held by Hamas in Gaza is increasingly worrying the Israeli defense establishment. Hamas recently managed to smuggle relatively advanced Russian missiles, which were looted from Libyan military warehouses, into the Gaza Strip. Israel is worried about the presence of the missiles, both because they curb the air force's almost unlimited freedom of movement over Gaza today, and because of their possible use against civil aviation in Eilat.
Shoulder-fired anti-aicraft missiles have been smuggled into Gaza in recent years at Iran's initiative. But the fall of Muammar Gadhafi's regime has enabled Hamas to bring in much higher quality missiles - and in much larger quantities.
Rings of smugglers utilized the riots in Libya to break into military storage facilities and steal large quantities of weapons, some of which have relatively advanced capabilities. The weapons were then sold to terrorist organizations, first and foremost to various Palestinian factions. It seems that extremist Islamist organizations in Somalia also bought large quantities of weapons.
The United States is also worried by the developments. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who visited Libya last week, announced the U.S. would grant the new Libyan regime millions of dollars in aid in an attempt to fight the arms smuggling. American experts expressed their fears in particular over the transfer of shoulder-launched missiles to terrorists, and said the aid was intended to allow the Libyans to locate where such weapons are stored - and destroy them.
There have been previous reports of the smuggling of Russian SA-7 anti-aircraft missiles into Gaza. Now there are reports of more advanced missiles.
A few weeks ago, the cabinet discussed the issue of protecting civilian aviation in Eilat, including the possible purchase of systems to defend planes against anti-aircraft missiles. The issue has been put off for nine years since the failed attempt by an al-Qaida faction to shoot down an Israeli passenger plane in Mombasa, Kenya.
In the August 18 battle between the IDF and terrorists, the terrorists fired a missile at an Israeli attack helicopter. The missile missed. But the Air Force has been operating for a number of years over Gaza on the assumption that various Palestinian factions possess anti-aircraft missiles.
The anarchy in Sinai in recent months has allowed the Palestinians in Gaza to operate almost without interference, and improve their training and weaponry.
A rocket fired by Palestinians from Gaza last night landed between Ashdod and Gedera, in the first such attack after a two-month period of quiet. Sirens sounded in Ashdod and nearby communities and residents were told to enter protected rooms and shelters. There were no injuries.
Since the terrorist attack on the Egyptian border near Eilat that killed eight on August 18, the Gaza border has been relatively calm with only a few rocket launches, most directed at small communities near the Gaza Strip. Last night's rocket, fired around 11:10 p.m., landed in a field. It seems to have been fired from the northern end of the Gaza Strip, from a distance of about 30-35 kilometers . The explosion was heard clearly all over Ashdod, which means it had a relatively large warhead.
It was not clear last night which Palestinian organization fired the rocket, though Israeli intelligence officials believed that in recent months Hamas had little incentive to launch such attacks and cause an escalation. It is possible a small faction fired the rocket in defiance of Hamas, which is trying to leverage its success in freeing prisoners in the Gilad Shalit swap.
The improved quality of anti-aircraft missiles held by Hamas in Gaza is increasingly worrying the Israeli defense establishment. Hamas recently managed to smuggle relatively advanced Russian missiles, which were looted from Libyan military warehouses, into the Gaza Strip. Israel is worried about the presence of the missiles, both because they curb the air force's almost unlimited freedom of movement over Gaza today, and because of their possible use against civil aviation in Eilat.
Shoulder-fired anti-aicraft missiles have been smuggled into Gaza in recent years at Iran's initiative. But the fall of Muammar Gadhafi's regime has enabled Hamas to bring in much higher quality missiles - and in much larger quantities.
Rings of smugglers utilized the riots in Libya to break into military storage facilities and steal large quantities of weapons, some of which have relatively advanced capabilities. The weapons were then sold to terrorist organizations, first and foremost to various Palestinian factions. It seems that extremist Islamist organizations in Somalia also bought large quantities of weapons.
The United States is also worried by the developments. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who visited Libya last week, announced the U.S. would grant the new Libyan regime millions of dollars in aid in an attempt to fight the arms smuggling. American experts expressed their fears in particular over the transfer of shoulder-launched missiles to terrorists, and said the aid was intended to allow the Libyans to locate where such weapons are stored - and destroy them.
There have been previous reports of the smuggling of Russian SA-7 anti-aircraft missiles into Gaza. Now there are reports of more advanced missiles.
A few weeks ago, the cabinet discussed the issue of protecting civilian aviation in Eilat, including the possible purchase of systems to defend planes against anti-aircraft missiles. The issue has been put off for nine years since the failed attempt by an al-Qaida faction to shoot down an Israeli passenger plane in Mombasa, Kenya.
In the August 18 battle between the IDF and terrorists, the terrorists fired a missile at an Israeli attack helicopter. The missile missed. But the Air Force has been operating for a number of years over Gaza on the assumption that various Palestinian factions possess anti-aircraft missiles.
The anarchy in Sinai in recent months has allowed the Palestinians in Gaza to operate almost without interference, and improve their training and weaponry.
Rocket fired from Gaza explodes in southern Israel
Sirens go off in cities of Rehovot and Rishon Letzion, as Grad rocket lands near Ashdod, ending the relative calm of recent months. No injuries reported.
A Grad rocket was fired from the Gaza Strip and exploded near Ashdod late on Wednesday. There were no reports of injuries, but a number of people were treated for shock.
Sirens went off in Rehovot, Rishon Letzion and other cities in the area and the residents were told to take shelter.
Earlier this month, An Israeli air strike wounded three Palestinians in the northern Gaza Strip. An Israeli military spokeswoman said the air strike targeted a militant squad that was preparing to launch rockets across the border into Israel.
The Israel-Gaza border has been mostly quiet since the Israel and Hamas agreed to a ceasefire after five days of cross-border violence in August.
It is still unclear which Palestinian group launched the rockets. However, Israeli intelligence officials believe that Hamas has no interest in escalation, as it is trying to leverage its success in bringing about the release of thousands of Palestinian prisoners, and are not behind the rocket attacks. Officials believe that a small faction is behind the attacks, which contradicts Hamas' current policy in the Strip.
A Grad rocket was fired from the Gaza Strip and exploded near Ashdod late on Wednesday. There were no reports of injuries, but a number of people were treated for shock.
Sirens went off in Rehovot, Rishon Letzion and other cities in the area and the residents were told to take shelter.
Earlier this month, An Israeli air strike wounded three Palestinians in the northern Gaza Strip. An Israeli military spokeswoman said the air strike targeted a militant squad that was preparing to launch rockets across the border into Israel.
The Israel-Gaza border has been mostly quiet since the Israel and Hamas agreed to a ceasefire after five days of cross-border violence in August.
It is still unclear which Palestinian group launched the rockets. However, Israeli intelligence officials believe that Hamas has no interest in escalation, as it is trying to leverage its success in bringing about the release of thousands of Palestinian prisoners, and are not behind the rocket attacks. Officials believe that a small faction is behind the attacks, which contradicts Hamas' current policy in the Strip.
Palestinians: No talks unless Israel accepts preconditions
Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat calls on Quartet to 'explain, in practical terms' how renewed negotiations will differ from past failed attempts.
Palestinians will be prepared to resume talks with Israel once the latter freezes all settlement activity and accepts clear frames of reference for the talks, Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat reaffirmed Wednesday.
"These are not favors that Israel is doing for us. These are its obligations in accordance with international law," Erekat said in a statement issued after he met in Jerusalem with representatives of the Mideast Quartet of international mediators, who began separate talks with both sides Wednesday in another effort to get peace talks going again.
"We have no problem with dialogue, but it must be meaningful," Erekat said.
He called on the Quartet - the US, Russia, the UN and the EU - "to explain, in practical terms, what measures it will take to ensure that a future round of negotiations will succeed where countless previous rounds have failed."
"Issuing statements and press releases is not enough," he commented.
Erekat's comments after the meeting echoed those of another Palestinian negotiator, Nabil Shaath, who told Voice of Palestine Radio some hours before the parley with the Quartet that Palestinian demands "are very clear and they will not change for any reason."
"The Quartet does not seem to understand that we will not return again to negotiations while the land is being stolen from under our feet."
Direct Israel-Palestinian talks broke off little move than one year ago, when Israel refused to extend a partial, limited 10-month freeze on construction at its West Bank settlements.
The Palestinian leadership says it will not resume negotiations until Israel stops all settlement activities in the West Bank and in East Jerusalem, and recognizes the lines which existed before the 1967 Middle East War as the borders of the future Palestinian state.
Israel, for its part, says direct negotiations must take place without what it calls Palestinian preconditions.
A document Israel's Foreign Ministry sent Wednesday to foreign embassies in Israel, and made available to the media, accused Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas of "pursuing an increasingly hostile, confrontational and unilateral approach" which "has effectively blocked any possibility for political progress."
"Unfortunately, a realistic appraisal of the situation indicates that attempts to proceed further at this time, towards political understandings, will surely end in failure," the document said.
The current Quartet mission comes after Abbas asked the UN on September 23 to approve Palestinian membership, in effect recognizing Palestinian statehood.
The move was opposed by the US - which said it would veto the request when it came before the Security Council - and Israel, which said a Palestinian state could only come via negotiations, and not via any unilateral steps.
Once the membership request was submitted, the Quartet called for peace talks to resume within a month, but the sides have so far refused to budge from their entrenched positions with the October 23 deadline for talks to start having come and gone.
Palestinians will be prepared to resume talks with Israel once the latter freezes all settlement activity and accepts clear frames of reference for the talks, Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat reaffirmed Wednesday.
"These are not favors that Israel is doing for us. These are its obligations in accordance with international law," Erekat said in a statement issued after he met in Jerusalem with representatives of the Mideast Quartet of international mediators, who began separate talks with both sides Wednesday in another effort to get peace talks going again.
"We have no problem with dialogue, but it must be meaningful," Erekat said.
He called on the Quartet - the US, Russia, the UN and the EU - "to explain, in practical terms, what measures it will take to ensure that a future round of negotiations will succeed where countless previous rounds have failed."
"Issuing statements and press releases is not enough," he commented.
Erekat's comments after the meeting echoed those of another Palestinian negotiator, Nabil Shaath, who told Voice of Palestine Radio some hours before the parley with the Quartet that Palestinian demands "are very clear and they will not change for any reason."
"The Quartet does not seem to understand that we will not return again to negotiations while the land is being stolen from under our feet."
Direct Israel-Palestinian talks broke off little move than one year ago, when Israel refused to extend a partial, limited 10-month freeze on construction at its West Bank settlements.
The Palestinian leadership says it will not resume negotiations until Israel stops all settlement activities in the West Bank and in East Jerusalem, and recognizes the lines which existed before the 1967 Middle East War as the borders of the future Palestinian state.
Israel, for its part, says direct negotiations must take place without what it calls Palestinian preconditions.
A document Israel's Foreign Ministry sent Wednesday to foreign embassies in Israel, and made available to the media, accused Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas of "pursuing an increasingly hostile, confrontational and unilateral approach" which "has effectively blocked any possibility for political progress."
"Unfortunately, a realistic appraisal of the situation indicates that attempts to proceed further at this time, towards political understandings, will surely end in failure," the document said.
The current Quartet mission comes after Abbas asked the UN on September 23 to approve Palestinian membership, in effect recognizing Palestinian statehood.
The move was opposed by the US - which said it would veto the request when it came before the Security Council - and Israel, which said a Palestinian state could only come via negotiations, and not via any unilateral steps.
Once the membership request was submitted, the Quartet called for peace talks to resume within a month, but the sides have so far refused to budge from their entrenched positions with the October 23 deadline for talks to start having come and gone.
Israel begins transferring Egyptian prisoners ahead of Grapel swap
High Court rejects petition against swap, in which Egyptian prisoners will be released in exchange for Israeli-American Ilan Grapel, held in Egypt on espionage charges.
Israel moved 22 Egyptian inmates from the prison in which they were being held to a jail in the south of the country Wednesday, the day before their planned exchange for a dual Israeli-American national held in Egypt on espionage charges, an Israel Prisons Service spokeswoman said.
Three other prisoners who are included in the swap deal for Ilan Grapel and who are minors will be moved Thursday, when the exchange is expected to take place.
Israel Prisons Service (IPS) Spokeswoman Sivan Weizman added that, on Thursday, the 25 prisoners to be freed in the swap will be taken to the Taba border crossing between Israel and Egypt. She could not tell DPA when the swap will take place.
Grapel, a student at Emory University School of Law in Atlanta, Georgia, was arrested in Egypt on June 12 and has been held since, accused of spying on behalf of Israel. The charges were later downgraded to incitement.
With his release, the Egyptian authorities will withdraw their accusations against him.
Israel's security cabinet unanimously approved the swap deal on Tuesday. A spokesman for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the 25 Egyptians to be freed include no security prisoners, but were people jailed for simple criminal offences.
According to a list published by the IPS, nine of the prisoners were jailed for drug smuggling, while another nine had been held on weapons-related charges. One prisoner was jailed for both offences. Others were jailed for smuggling goods. Almost all were also imprisoned for infiltrating into Israel.
Three of the prisoners to be swapped have already completed their sentences. Another five were due to be freed by the end of the year, one as early as next week.
Israel's High Court, meanwhile, rejected petitions Wednesday against the deal, submitted by an ultra-nationalist legislator and a right-wing group.
They argued that the decision to release the 25 Egyptians was problematic legally, since it was made by the 14-member security cabinet and not by the full government.
They also said the deal was disproportionate and unreasonable, and pointed out that Grapel went to Egypt of his own free will, and was not sent there by Israel.
The exchange Thursday comes nine days after Israel freed 477 Palestinian prisoners in return for soldier Gilad Shalit, who was held prisoner by Hamas in the Gaza Strip for five years.
Israel moved 22 Egyptian inmates from the prison in which they were being held to a jail in the south of the country Wednesday, the day before their planned exchange for a dual Israeli-American national held in Egypt on espionage charges, an Israel Prisons Service spokeswoman said.
Three other prisoners who are included in the swap deal for Ilan Grapel and who are minors will be moved Thursday, when the exchange is expected to take place.
Israel Prisons Service (IPS) Spokeswoman Sivan Weizman added that, on Thursday, the 25 prisoners to be freed in the swap will be taken to the Taba border crossing between Israel and Egypt. She could not tell DPA when the swap will take place.
Grapel, a student at Emory University School of Law in Atlanta, Georgia, was arrested in Egypt on June 12 and has been held since, accused of spying on behalf of Israel. The charges were later downgraded to incitement.
With his release, the Egyptian authorities will withdraw their accusations against him.
Israel's security cabinet unanimously approved the swap deal on Tuesday. A spokesman for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the 25 Egyptians to be freed include no security prisoners, but were people jailed for simple criminal offences.
According to a list published by the IPS, nine of the prisoners were jailed for drug smuggling, while another nine had been held on weapons-related charges. One prisoner was jailed for both offences. Others were jailed for smuggling goods. Almost all were also imprisoned for infiltrating into Israel.
Three of the prisoners to be swapped have already completed their sentences. Another five were due to be freed by the end of the year, one as early as next week.
Israel's High Court, meanwhile, rejected petitions Wednesday against the deal, submitted by an ultra-nationalist legislator and a right-wing group.
They argued that the decision to release the 25 Egyptians was problematic legally, since it was made by the 14-member security cabinet and not by the full government.
They also said the deal was disproportionate and unreasonable, and pointed out that Grapel went to Egypt of his own free will, and was not sent there by Israel.
The exchange Thursday comes nine days after Israel freed 477 Palestinian prisoners in return for soldier Gilad Shalit, who was held prisoner by Hamas in the Gaza Strip for five years.
Hamas official: Shalit was not beaten while in captivity
Senior Hamas official in Damascus tells Israel Radio that Shalit was allowed to watch television and listen to the radio and at times would even talk and 'laugh' with his captors.
Gilad Shalit, the Israel Defense Forces soldier held hostage in the Gaza Strip for more than five years, did not face violence while in captivity, an official from the Palestinian Hamas movement said Wednesday.
For most the period of his captivity, the conditions under which Shalit was held were good, Salah al-Arouri, a senior member of the radical Islamist movement's Damascus-based leadership in exile, told Israel Radio.
He said he was allowed to watch television and listen to the radio for most of the period, and at times would even talk and "laugh" with his captors.
Al-Arouri is one of the four Hamas members who negotiated Shalit's release.
The telephone interview was the first of a Hamas politburo member in Damascus with an Israeli media outlet.
Jailed in Israel in the past for orchestrating armed attacks against Israelis, he spoke in almost fluent Hebrew, but with a heavy Arabic accent.
Hamas' political leadership, aware of the asset the soldier was for the Islamist movement ruling Gaza, had instructed Shalit's captors not to harm him.
"The situation, for most of the period it was good," al-Aurori said.
"Nobody hit him," he said.
Asked why Shalit emerged malnourished, pale and weak, he said it was because of the mental stress of his captivity, being allowed no visits or contacts with his family or the outside world.
Shalit had coped mentally with ups and downs, al-Aurori said.
"Sometimes he would think of his family," he said. "That is a difficult situation."
Shalit was released last week in exchange for 477 Palestinian militants. Another 550 Palestinians jailed in Israel are to be released in about two months, under the deal mediated by Egypt.
Shalit himself has as revealed little about his captivity, saying only that conditions were tough at first and then gradually improved, especially during the final years.
Gilad Shalit, the Israel Defense Forces soldier held hostage in the Gaza Strip for more than five years, did not face violence while in captivity, an official from the Palestinian Hamas movement said Wednesday.
For most the period of his captivity, the conditions under which Shalit was held were good, Salah al-Arouri, a senior member of the radical Islamist movement's Damascus-based leadership in exile, told Israel Radio.
He said he was allowed to watch television and listen to the radio for most of the period, and at times would even talk and "laugh" with his captors.
Al-Arouri is one of the four Hamas members who negotiated Shalit's release.
The telephone interview was the first of a Hamas politburo member in Damascus with an Israeli media outlet.
Jailed in Israel in the past for orchestrating armed attacks against Israelis, he spoke in almost fluent Hebrew, but with a heavy Arabic accent.
Hamas' political leadership, aware of the asset the soldier was for the Islamist movement ruling Gaza, had instructed Shalit's captors not to harm him.
"The situation, for most of the period it was good," al-Aurori said.
"Nobody hit him," he said.
Asked why Shalit emerged malnourished, pale and weak, he said it was because of the mental stress of his captivity, being allowed no visits or contacts with his family or the outside world.
Shalit had coped mentally with ups and downs, al-Aurori said.
"Sometimes he would think of his family," he said. "That is a difficult situation."
Shalit was released last week in exchange for 477 Palestinian militants. Another 550 Palestinians jailed in Israel are to be released in about two months, under the deal mediated by Egypt.
Shalit himself has as revealed little about his captivity, saying only that conditions were tough at first and then gradually improved, especially during the final years.
Oct 25, 2011
Shalit deal is a reason for optimism
It turns out that under certain conditions, circumstances whose precise character cannot be known, Netanyahu is capable of acting in complete variance with his principles and the things he believes.
Discussions about a gesture to strengthen the Palestinian Authority in response to Hamas' achievement in the Shalit deal expose the non-serious conduct of Israel's governments. Can it be that during five years of debate nobody took the time to think about this issue, to prepare for it and perhaps even take a resolute step to enact a decision in good time?
Of course, it may be that it is not a lack of thought but rather a deliberate forethought. What motivated Benjamin Netanyahu to carry out the deal here and now is the desire to punish Mahmoud Abbas for his maneuvers at the United Nations, and to strengthen Hamas, which more seriously plays the role of "non-partner."
This is one explanation as to why Netanyahu carried out the deal right now; there are also interpretations involving a desire to "clear the table" while preparing for an attack on Iran, a need to reinforce the prime minister's position, and a need to respond to popular discontent reflected recently in the protest movement and strikes. All such interpretations are logical and cogent; yet they are all speculative. It's impossible to know what triggered Netanyahu's psychological change, and led him to put his signature to a document and turn what was considered an inconceivable deal into a done deal. After all, we are talking about a deal that was on the table for at least three years. This is a deal which he opposed verbally and in writing, and it is a deal that his "natural political partners" also oppose - and yet one day he decided to just do it.
A categorical answer to the question "why" cannot be found since the prime minister did not provide one. Netanyahu never explained what caused him to change his principled stance, and what turned a rank capitulation to terror into a viable possibility; what set the stage for the freeing of 1,000 terrorists, and what suddenly made Gilad Shalit's freedom worth the price.
This lack of an explanation is particularly conspicuous in view of the lavish detail Netanyahu furnished in his earlier perorations about the danger of capitulating to terror, and about his refusal to negotiate with Hamas. Why he doesn't do things is well known to us; why he acts remains a mystery. Clearly, such conduct is exasperating. This deal could have been signed at least three years ago, thus sparing a significant amount of suffering and damage to Shalit and to Israeli society at large.
But there is a bright side: It turns out that under certain conditions, circumstances whose precise character cannot be known, Netanyahu is capable of acting in complete variance with his principles and the things he believes. He does this while marketing his decision as a fantastic one, without explanations. "Netanyahu is proving, not for the first time, that he is more of a pragmatist than an ideologue," wrote Yossi Verter the day the deal was announced. That is to say, perhaps the same dynamic will be repeated in a peace agreement with the Palestinians.
It may very well be that the day will come, and circumstances whose character will remain opaque to us will consolidate in his mind, and cause Netanyahu to reach a leadership decision, one which will force him to lose sleep and bear the burden of the great responsibility on his shoulders, and which will culminate in a peace deal with the Palestinians. The selfsame deal that in one form or another has been on many tables for many years will suddenly turn into the "best agreement that can be attained," or "the inheritance of past governments that cannot be avoided." Netanyahu will issue the same declaration that he made when he voted in favor of the disengagement from Gaza, saying that the deal promises "a future and security to the vast majority of Israelis."
It may very well be that the day will come and we will read that a peace agreement has been signed with the Palestinians. The cabinet will convene for a secret night session, Ehud Barak will praise Netanyahu for taking his advise, Limor Livnat will recall her vote on the Gaza pullout which she made with a "heavy heart," Shalom Simhon will confess that in the past it was hard for him but now his anxiety has lessened, and Avigdor Lieberman, Uzi Landau and Moshe Ya'alon will vote against it.
That is the optimistic conclusion that I draw from the Shalit deal. When this Palestinian deal comes, volumes of words will be written about why the agreement has come when it has come, and much ink will be spilled in regret at the deal not being signed years earlier, and how it could have been signed much earlier in a fashion that would have saved lives, suffering, hate and money - and then too it will be better late than never.
Discussions about a gesture to strengthen the Palestinian Authority in response to Hamas' achievement in the Shalit deal expose the non-serious conduct of Israel's governments. Can it be that during five years of debate nobody took the time to think about this issue, to prepare for it and perhaps even take a resolute step to enact a decision in good time?
Of course, it may be that it is not a lack of thought but rather a deliberate forethought. What motivated Benjamin Netanyahu to carry out the deal here and now is the desire to punish Mahmoud Abbas for his maneuvers at the United Nations, and to strengthen Hamas, which more seriously plays the role of "non-partner."
This is one explanation as to why Netanyahu carried out the deal right now; there are also interpretations involving a desire to "clear the table" while preparing for an attack on Iran, a need to reinforce the prime minister's position, and a need to respond to popular discontent reflected recently in the protest movement and strikes. All such interpretations are logical and cogent; yet they are all speculative. It's impossible to know what triggered Netanyahu's psychological change, and led him to put his signature to a document and turn what was considered an inconceivable deal into a done deal. After all, we are talking about a deal that was on the table for at least three years. This is a deal which he opposed verbally and in writing, and it is a deal that his "natural political partners" also oppose - and yet one day he decided to just do it.
A categorical answer to the question "why" cannot be found since the prime minister did not provide one. Netanyahu never explained what caused him to change his principled stance, and what turned a rank capitulation to terror into a viable possibility; what set the stage for the freeing of 1,000 terrorists, and what suddenly made Gilad Shalit's freedom worth the price.
This lack of an explanation is particularly conspicuous in view of the lavish detail Netanyahu furnished in his earlier perorations about the danger of capitulating to terror, and about his refusal to negotiate with Hamas. Why he doesn't do things is well known to us; why he acts remains a mystery. Clearly, such conduct is exasperating. This deal could have been signed at least three years ago, thus sparing a significant amount of suffering and damage to Shalit and to Israeli society at large.
But there is a bright side: It turns out that under certain conditions, circumstances whose precise character cannot be known, Netanyahu is capable of acting in complete variance with his principles and the things he believes. He does this while marketing his decision as a fantastic one, without explanations. "Netanyahu is proving, not for the first time, that he is more of a pragmatist than an ideologue," wrote Yossi Verter the day the deal was announced. That is to say, perhaps the same dynamic will be repeated in a peace agreement with the Palestinians.
It may very well be that the day will come, and circumstances whose character will remain opaque to us will consolidate in his mind, and cause Netanyahu to reach a leadership decision, one which will force him to lose sleep and bear the burden of the great responsibility on his shoulders, and which will culminate in a peace deal with the Palestinians. The selfsame deal that in one form or another has been on many tables for many years will suddenly turn into the "best agreement that can be attained," or "the inheritance of past governments that cannot be avoided." Netanyahu will issue the same declaration that he made when he voted in favor of the disengagement from Gaza, saying that the deal promises "a future and security to the vast majority of Israelis."
It may very well be that the day will come and we will read that a peace agreement has been signed with the Palestinians. The cabinet will convene for a secret night session, Ehud Barak will praise Netanyahu for taking his advise, Limor Livnat will recall her vote on the Gaza pullout which she made with a "heavy heart," Shalom Simhon will confess that in the past it was hard for him but now his anxiety has lessened, and Avigdor Lieberman, Uzi Landau and Moshe Ya'alon will vote against it.
That is the optimistic conclusion that I draw from the Shalit deal. When this Palestinian deal comes, volumes of words will be written about why the agreement has come when it has come, and much ink will be spilled in regret at the deal not being signed years earlier, and how it could have been signed much earlier in a fashion that would have saved lives, suffering, hate and money - and then too it will be better late than never.
Palestinians: Lieberman's remarks are an explicit threat on Abbas' life
PA letter to PM Netanyahu demands Israel apologizes after FM says Palestinian President should be 'removed immediately,' calling him 'greatest obstacle' to Mideast peace.
Comments by Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman urging the replacement of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas represented a direct threat on Abbas' life, an official Palestinian Authority letter addressed to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Tuesday.
On Monday, Lieberman severely criticized the Palestinian president, telling reporters that it would be a "blessing" if Abbas were to resign.
Do you think Lieberman's comments constitute a direct threat on Abbas' life? Visit Haaretz.com on Facebook and share your views.
"If there is one obstacle that should be removed immediately, it is [Abbas]," he said. "If he were to return the keys and resign, it would not be a threat, but a blessing."
"The only thing that interests Abbas is to inscribe himself in the history books as he who brought about the Palestinian state and the reconciliation with Hamas," Lieberman added. "Anyone who succeeds him would be better for Israel. If Abu Mazen goes, there would be a chance to reignite the peace process."
In a letter sent to Netanyahu's office on Tuesday, the PA's minister of civilian affairs, Hussein a-Sheikh demanded that the Israeli government issue a formal apology for the FM's comments, saying that they represented a direct threat to Abbas's life.
"In the name of the Palestinian Authority, we condemn the statements made by Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, which carry explicit incitement against President Mahmoud Abbas," the letter read, adding: "We consider the comments to be a direct threat against a natural partner for peace."
"The statements do not serve the peace process between the sides and we see them as an explicit call to kill president Abbas," a-Sheikh said, adding that Lieberman's attack could be "seen as a green light that could be taken advantage by extremists."
The letter called on the Israeli government to "condemn the statements and apologize for them, since they were uttered by a government official."
Earlier Monday, the EU chided Lieberman for his comments on Abbas, with European Foreign Minister Catherine Ashton saying that "the reported remarks of Israel's foreign minister ... are regrettably not helpful to create the environment of trust conducive to negotiations."
"The EU has consistently called for reconciliation behind President Abbas as an important element for reaching a two-state solution," she added.
In another apparent comment on Lieberman's remarks, President Shimon Peres offered public support to the Palestinian leadership, saying that "Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad are serious leaders who want peace and are working to prevent violence and extremism in our area."
Comments by Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman urging the replacement of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas represented a direct threat on Abbas' life, an official Palestinian Authority letter addressed to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Tuesday.
On Monday, Lieberman severely criticized the Palestinian president, telling reporters that it would be a "blessing" if Abbas were to resign.
Do you think Lieberman's comments constitute a direct threat on Abbas' life? Visit Haaretz.com on Facebook and share your views.
"If there is one obstacle that should be removed immediately, it is [Abbas]," he said. "If he were to return the keys and resign, it would not be a threat, but a blessing."
"The only thing that interests Abbas is to inscribe himself in the history books as he who brought about the Palestinian state and the reconciliation with Hamas," Lieberman added. "Anyone who succeeds him would be better for Israel. If Abu Mazen goes, there would be a chance to reignite the peace process."
In a letter sent to Netanyahu's office on Tuesday, the PA's minister of civilian affairs, Hussein a-Sheikh demanded that the Israeli government issue a formal apology for the FM's comments, saying that they represented a direct threat to Abbas's life.
"In the name of the Palestinian Authority, we condemn the statements made by Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, which carry explicit incitement against President Mahmoud Abbas," the letter read, adding: "We consider the comments to be a direct threat against a natural partner for peace."
"The statements do not serve the peace process between the sides and we see them as an explicit call to kill president Abbas," a-Sheikh said, adding that Lieberman's attack could be "seen as a green light that could be taken advantage by extremists."
The letter called on the Israeli government to "condemn the statements and apologize for them, since they were uttered by a government official."
Earlier Monday, the EU chided Lieberman for his comments on Abbas, with European Foreign Minister Catherine Ashton saying that "the reported remarks of Israel's foreign minister ... are regrettably not helpful to create the environment of trust conducive to negotiations."
"The EU has consistently called for reconciliation behind President Abbas as an important element for reaching a two-state solution," she added.
In another apparent comment on Lieberman's remarks, President Shimon Peres offered public support to the Palestinian leadership, saying that "Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad are serious leaders who want peace and are working to prevent violence and extremism in our area."
Turkey requests aid from Israel for first time since struck by devastating earthquake
Israel to send portable structures to serve as temporary housing for those who lost their homes in the 7.2 magnitude quake; Turkey turned down Israeli aid twice before.
For the first time since a massive earthquake struck Turkey's east, Ankara has asked Israel for aid on Tuesday, after rejecting several offers by top Israeli officials in the last two days.
On Monday, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan rejected an aid offer by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during a phone conversation between the two leaders, representing the second such rejection since a 7.2 magnitude quake struck Turkey.
What do you think about Turkey accepting Israel's aid offer? Visit Haaretz.com on Facebook and share your views.
On Sunday, despite the frantic search and rescue efforts, Turkey turned down Israel's offer, as well as similar offers from several other countries.
Ankara issued a statement saying that the extent of the damage was still being investigated and that no international aid was immediately needed.
However, Israeli officials indicated on Tuesday that Turkish officials have indeed issued an official request for aid, saying that the Turkish Foreign Ministry asked that Israel send portable structures to be used as temporary housing for those who lost their homes in the quake.
Following the request, Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman ordered Foreign Ministry director general Rafael Barak to contact the relevant officials in order to transport the needed equipment as soon as possible.
Officials indicated that the planned aid shipment was brought about following an initiative by President Shimon Peres, who contacted his Turkish counterpart Abdullah Gul immediately following the quake and offered relief.
Later Tuesday, a Turkish official indicated that Ankara decided to accept offers of assistance from foreign countries, including Israel, after emergency management authorities declared the country would need prefabricated homes and containers to house survivors.
He spoke on condition of anonymity in line with ministry rules.
Speaking to Haaretz on Monday, several Turks expressed frustration for earthquake relief efforts, with one man saying "there are simply not enough professionals."
"They work without careful handling. I do not understand why more international crews have not arrived. The Israelis have an excellent rescue team, why isn't [Prime Minister] Erdogan allowing them to come?"
One rescue team worker that arrived in the region from Izmir in the early hours of the morning, admitted during his brief lunch break that his team was "not able to find one survivor" during their ten hour evacuation attempt.
The Turkish rescue teams are being aided by heavy equipment, but lack specialized equipment that could potentially open passageways into the rubble.
The death toll in the earthquake rose to 432 on Tuesday, with 1,352 people injured, the Disaster and Emergency Administration said in a statement. The Van region was also hit by a 5.4 magnitude aftershock on Tuesday, Turkey's Kandilli Observatory said.
Ozgur Monkul, operations officer for the international AKUT Search and Rescue Association told Haaretz on Tuesday that "naturally rescue efforts are proceeding slowly, but we are still successfully finding survivors under buildings, and we will continue with our efforts in the coming days."
Turkey's request for aid follows a period of tension in Israel-Turkey ties, following Israel's 2010 raid of a Gaza-bound aid flotilla, which resulted in the deaths of 9 Turkish nationals.
Last month, Turkey decided to downgrade its diplomatic ties with Israel to the lowest possible level, with Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu saying the downscale of was a direct response to Israel's refusal to apologize for the flotilla raid deaths.
For the first time since a massive earthquake struck Turkey's east, Ankara has asked Israel for aid on Tuesday, after rejecting several offers by top Israeli officials in the last two days.
On Monday, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan rejected an aid offer by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during a phone conversation between the two leaders, representing the second such rejection since a 7.2 magnitude quake struck Turkey.
What do you think about Turkey accepting Israel's aid offer? Visit Haaretz.com on Facebook and share your views.
On Sunday, despite the frantic search and rescue efforts, Turkey turned down Israel's offer, as well as similar offers from several other countries.
Ankara issued a statement saying that the extent of the damage was still being investigated and that no international aid was immediately needed.
However, Israeli officials indicated on Tuesday that Turkish officials have indeed issued an official request for aid, saying that the Turkish Foreign Ministry asked that Israel send portable structures to be used as temporary housing for those who lost their homes in the quake.
Following the request, Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman ordered Foreign Ministry director general Rafael Barak to contact the relevant officials in order to transport the needed equipment as soon as possible.
Officials indicated that the planned aid shipment was brought about following an initiative by President Shimon Peres, who contacted his Turkish counterpart Abdullah Gul immediately following the quake and offered relief.
Later Tuesday, a Turkish official indicated that Ankara decided to accept offers of assistance from foreign countries, including Israel, after emergency management authorities declared the country would need prefabricated homes and containers to house survivors.
He spoke on condition of anonymity in line with ministry rules.
Speaking to Haaretz on Monday, several Turks expressed frustration for earthquake relief efforts, with one man saying "there are simply not enough professionals."
"They work without careful handling. I do not understand why more international crews have not arrived. The Israelis have an excellent rescue team, why isn't [Prime Minister] Erdogan allowing them to come?"
One rescue team worker that arrived in the region from Izmir in the early hours of the morning, admitted during his brief lunch break that his team was "not able to find one survivor" during their ten hour evacuation attempt.
The Turkish rescue teams are being aided by heavy equipment, but lack specialized equipment that could potentially open passageways into the rubble.
The death toll in the earthquake rose to 432 on Tuesday, with 1,352 people injured, the Disaster and Emergency Administration said in a statement. The Van region was also hit by a 5.4 magnitude aftershock on Tuesday, Turkey's Kandilli Observatory said.
Ozgur Monkul, operations officer for the international AKUT Search and Rescue Association told Haaretz on Tuesday that "naturally rescue efforts are proceeding slowly, but we are still successfully finding survivors under buildings, and we will continue with our efforts in the coming days."
Turkey's request for aid follows a period of tension in Israel-Turkey ties, following Israel's 2010 raid of a Gaza-bound aid flotilla, which resulted in the deaths of 9 Turkish nationals.
Last month, Turkey decided to downgrade its diplomatic ties with Israel to the lowest possible level, with Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu saying the downscale of was a direct response to Israel's refusal to apologize for the flotilla raid deaths.
Former U.S. envoy: Mideast peace stalemate could lead to West Bank violence
George Mitchell says Shalit deal strengthened Hamas, and weakened Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.
The United States' former special envoy for Mideast peace warned recently that the continued impasse in diplomatic contacts between Israel and the Palestinians is liable to ignite violence on the West Bank. In a lecture delivered last week at London's Chatham House, George Mitchell stressed that the Shalit release deal strengthened Hamas, and weakened Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.
Mitchell's statements during the October 17th forum were the most detailed and stringent comments he has made since leaving his envoy position in May. He declared that he is disappointed and pessimistic in view of the impasse in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.
"Order and personal security [in the West Bank] have been established in a way that never was previously," stated Mitchell. "The problem is that that effort cannot be sustained in the absence of progress, or at least the hope of progress on the political front. It will break down internally on the Palestinian side, and it will break down in relations with the Israelis. And it is to President Abbas' credit that, notwithstanding the fact that we haven't been able to get into meaningful negotiations, he has maintained co-ordination and co-operation on the security front and it continues. But even he will tell you that that cannot go on indefinitely. There has to be a political horizon."
Speaking on Gilad Shalit's release, Mitchell said that the subject is extremely sensitive for Israelis, and that the deal has positive aspects. Yet he insisted that the prisoner exchange had yielded negative results, such as strengthening Hamas vis-a-vis the Palestinian Authority.
Changing demographic realities will compel Israel to make fateful choices, Mitchell suggested.
"Israel, if the two state solution is lost, will have to choose between being a Jewish state and a democratic state," he said. "And that's a choice they should not have to make."
Mitchell also criticized the Palestinian Authority's responses to American efforts to renew negotiations with Israel. He claimed that the Palestinians were unwilling to accept the 10-month settlement construction freeze declared by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in November 2009; the Palestinians contended that this freeze was "useless," and refused to engage in negotiations.
"They refused to enter into the negotiations until nine months of the 10 had elapsed," Mitchell said. "Once they entered, they then said [the freeze] was indispensable. What had been worse than useless a few months before then became indispensable and they said they would not remain in the talks unless that indispensable element were extended."
The United States' former special envoy for Mideast peace warned recently that the continued impasse in diplomatic contacts between Israel and the Palestinians is liable to ignite violence on the West Bank. In a lecture delivered last week at London's Chatham House, George Mitchell stressed that the Shalit release deal strengthened Hamas, and weakened Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.
Mitchell's statements during the October 17th forum were the most detailed and stringent comments he has made since leaving his envoy position in May. He declared that he is disappointed and pessimistic in view of the impasse in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.
"Order and personal security [in the West Bank] have been established in a way that never was previously," stated Mitchell. "The problem is that that effort cannot be sustained in the absence of progress, or at least the hope of progress on the political front. It will break down internally on the Palestinian side, and it will break down in relations with the Israelis. And it is to President Abbas' credit that, notwithstanding the fact that we haven't been able to get into meaningful negotiations, he has maintained co-ordination and co-operation on the security front and it continues. But even he will tell you that that cannot go on indefinitely. There has to be a political horizon."
Speaking on Gilad Shalit's release, Mitchell said that the subject is extremely sensitive for Israelis, and that the deal has positive aspects. Yet he insisted that the prisoner exchange had yielded negative results, such as strengthening Hamas vis-a-vis the Palestinian Authority.
Changing demographic realities will compel Israel to make fateful choices, Mitchell suggested.
"Israel, if the two state solution is lost, will have to choose between being a Jewish state and a democratic state," he said. "And that's a choice they should not have to make."
Mitchell also criticized the Palestinian Authority's responses to American efforts to renew negotiations with Israel. He claimed that the Palestinians were unwilling to accept the 10-month settlement construction freeze declared by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in November 2009; the Palestinians contended that this freeze was "useless," and refused to engage in negotiations.
"They refused to enter into the negotiations until nine months of the 10 had elapsed," Mitchell said. "Once they entered, they then said [the freeze] was indispensable. What had been worse than useless a few months before then became indispensable and they said they would not remain in the talks unless that indispensable element were extended."
Oct 24, 2011
Lieberman urges Abbas to resign, calls him 'greatest obstacle' to peace process
FM voices vehement opposition to proposal to free Fatah prisoners as gesture to Palestinian President, adding that anyone who succeeds Abbas would be better for Israel.
Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman on Monday called Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas the "greatest obstacle" to regional order, telling reporters in Jerusalem it would be a "blessing" if the Palestinian leader were to resign.
"If there is one obstacle that should be removed immediately, it is [Abbas]," he said. "If he were to return the keys and resign, it would not be a threat, but a blessing."
"The only thing that interests Abbas is to inscribe himself in the history books as he who brought about the Palestinian state and the reconciliation with Hamas," Lieberman added. "Anyone who succeeds him would be better for Israel. If Abu Mazen goes, there would be a chance to reignite the peace process."
Referring to the report in Haaretz earlier Monday regarding the defense establishment's recommendation that Israel release Fatah prisoners as a gesture to Abbas, Lieberman said he had never heard of such a proposal and would oppose the move vehemently.
"I don't know of any such recommendation, and I completely oppose every gesture," he said. "I would not agree in any way if recommendations such as these were brought to cabinet."
Lieberman added that there are plenty of Palestinians with whom Israel can hold dialogue, besides Abbas. "There is no lack of Palestinians who studied in the West," he said, " educated people with Western values with whom we can talk."
Haaretz reported earlier Monday that the Israel Defense Forces' General Staff believes Israel should make a series of gestures to the Palestinian Authority to reduce the damage caused to the PA by last week's deal for the return of Gilad Shalit.
But Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's advisers vehemently oppose the idea, as do several members of his forum of eight senior ministers, arguing that Abbas "should be punished" for his unilateral bid for UN recognition of a Palestinian state.
"We don't want the Palestinian Authority to collapse," one adviser said, "but if it happens, it won't be the end of the world."
Next month, the IDF will give the government a list of the gestures it recommends, including releasing additional Palestinian prisoners and perhaps transferring additional parts of the West Bank to Palestinian security control. The army considers it necessary to help Abbas regain the upper hand in his ongoing battle with Hamas for control of the territories.
Israel's intelligence agencies all concur that the Shalit deal, in which Hamas obtained the release of 1,027 Palestinian prisoners in exchange for one kidnapped soldier, bolstered the Islamic organization at the PA's expense.
One senior Israeli official told Haaretz that Abbas thinks the deal was deliberately intended to strengthen Hamas and weaken him, in order to punish him for his UN bid.
One of the IDF's proposals relates to the second stage of the Shalit deal, in which Israel will free another 550 prisoners of its own choosing. While the list has not yet been drawn up, it seems that most will be low-level terrorists belonging to Abbas' Fatah party, and the army deems the Fatah affiliation critical.
The army also proposes that Israel release additional prisoners beyond these 550 as a gesture to Abbas in honor of Id al-Adha, the Muslim holiday that falls in another two weeks.
Another proposal is to transfer part of what is known as Area B - areas of the West Bank that, according to the Oslo Accords, are under Palestinian civilian control but Israeli security control - to Area A, which is under full Palestinian control. Most of the territory the army favors transferring is in the northern West Bank, between Jenin, Nablus and Tul Karm, as this area has few Israeli settlements.
A fourth idea is returning the bodies of slain terrorists to the PA. That was supposed to have happened a few months ago, but was canceled at the last minute on orders from Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak.
Senior PA officials have said in recent days that the principal gesture they want from Israel is the release of Fatah terrorists who have been imprisoned since before the 1993 Oslo Accords. They also said they have had several discussions with Israel recently about transferring additional territory to Area A, but all have gone nowhere.
In the past, Barak has voiced support for far-reaching gestures toward Abbas. But Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman has consistently opposed the idea and Netanyahu is unenthusiastic. Thus, when the army proposed gestures to the PA in the run-up to last month's UN bid, with the goal of calming the atmosphere and preventing an explosion, the government rejected the proposal.
With the Shalit deal concluded, the IDF is hoping the government will be more amenable. But given Jerusalem's anger at Abbas' statehood bid, that seems doubtful.
The issue is further complicated by uncertainty over Abbas' intentions - a question on which both government officials and intelligence professionals are split. Some believe that Abbas has no interest in resuming negotiations with Israel, preferring to pursue his case at the UN and among the international community in the hope of forcing concessions on Israel. Members of this camp see no point in making any gestures to him.
The IDF, in contrast, thinks Israel must make substantial gestures to bolster Abbas. Minor steps - like dismantling unmanned roadblocks or releasing Palestinian prisoners convicted of crimes other than terrorism - won't suffice, it argues.
The senior Israeli official said the army's concerns were on full display at a briefing for Barak last week given by Maj. Gen. Eitan Dangot, the coordinator of government activities in the territories. Dangot, he said, expressed great concern over the messages he has been getting from senior PA officials recently - namely, that Abbas is depressed and threatening to resign in light of the impasse in negotiations, the boost the Shalit deal gave Hamas and the fear that his UN bid will fail even without an American veto, given his difficulties in recruiting the necessary nine votes in the Security Council.
Over the last two weeks, the Israeli official said, several of Abbas' advisers, including his chief negotiator, Saeb Erekat, have urged him to disband the PA and hand responsibility for the territories back to Israel. This has strengthened the army's view that gestures to bolster Abbas are needed.
Netanyahu's advisers, however, don't take Abbas' resignation threats seriously, noting that such threats tend to recur frequently. "There's nothing new in this," said one. "He threatens all the time."
Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman on Monday called Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas the "greatest obstacle" to regional order, telling reporters in Jerusalem it would be a "blessing" if the Palestinian leader were to resign.
"If there is one obstacle that should be removed immediately, it is [Abbas]," he said. "If he were to return the keys and resign, it would not be a threat, but a blessing."
"The only thing that interests Abbas is to inscribe himself in the history books as he who brought about the Palestinian state and the reconciliation with Hamas," Lieberman added. "Anyone who succeeds him would be better for Israel. If Abu Mazen goes, there would be a chance to reignite the peace process."
Referring to the report in Haaretz earlier Monday regarding the defense establishment's recommendation that Israel release Fatah prisoners as a gesture to Abbas, Lieberman said he had never heard of such a proposal and would oppose the move vehemently.
"I don't know of any such recommendation, and I completely oppose every gesture," he said. "I would not agree in any way if recommendations such as these were brought to cabinet."
Lieberman added that there are plenty of Palestinians with whom Israel can hold dialogue, besides Abbas. "There is no lack of Palestinians who studied in the West," he said, " educated people with Western values with whom we can talk."
Haaretz reported earlier Monday that the Israel Defense Forces' General Staff believes Israel should make a series of gestures to the Palestinian Authority to reduce the damage caused to the PA by last week's deal for the return of Gilad Shalit.
But Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's advisers vehemently oppose the idea, as do several members of his forum of eight senior ministers, arguing that Abbas "should be punished" for his unilateral bid for UN recognition of a Palestinian state.
"We don't want the Palestinian Authority to collapse," one adviser said, "but if it happens, it won't be the end of the world."
Next month, the IDF will give the government a list of the gestures it recommends, including releasing additional Palestinian prisoners and perhaps transferring additional parts of the West Bank to Palestinian security control. The army considers it necessary to help Abbas regain the upper hand in his ongoing battle with Hamas for control of the territories.
Israel's intelligence agencies all concur that the Shalit deal, in which Hamas obtained the release of 1,027 Palestinian prisoners in exchange for one kidnapped soldier, bolstered the Islamic organization at the PA's expense.
One senior Israeli official told Haaretz that Abbas thinks the deal was deliberately intended to strengthen Hamas and weaken him, in order to punish him for his UN bid.
One of the IDF's proposals relates to the second stage of the Shalit deal, in which Israel will free another 550 prisoners of its own choosing. While the list has not yet been drawn up, it seems that most will be low-level terrorists belonging to Abbas' Fatah party, and the army deems the Fatah affiliation critical.
The army also proposes that Israel release additional prisoners beyond these 550 as a gesture to Abbas in honor of Id al-Adha, the Muslim holiday that falls in another two weeks.
Another proposal is to transfer part of what is known as Area B - areas of the West Bank that, according to the Oslo Accords, are under Palestinian civilian control but Israeli security control - to Area A, which is under full Palestinian control. Most of the territory the army favors transferring is in the northern West Bank, between Jenin, Nablus and Tul Karm, as this area has few Israeli settlements.
A fourth idea is returning the bodies of slain terrorists to the PA. That was supposed to have happened a few months ago, but was canceled at the last minute on orders from Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak.
Senior PA officials have said in recent days that the principal gesture they want from Israel is the release of Fatah terrorists who have been imprisoned since before the 1993 Oslo Accords. They also said they have had several discussions with Israel recently about transferring additional territory to Area A, but all have gone nowhere.
In the past, Barak has voiced support for far-reaching gestures toward Abbas. But Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman has consistently opposed the idea and Netanyahu is unenthusiastic. Thus, when the army proposed gestures to the PA in the run-up to last month's UN bid, with the goal of calming the atmosphere and preventing an explosion, the government rejected the proposal.
With the Shalit deal concluded, the IDF is hoping the government will be more amenable. But given Jerusalem's anger at Abbas' statehood bid, that seems doubtful.
The issue is further complicated by uncertainty over Abbas' intentions - a question on which both government officials and intelligence professionals are split. Some believe that Abbas has no interest in resuming negotiations with Israel, preferring to pursue his case at the UN and among the international community in the hope of forcing concessions on Israel. Members of this camp see no point in making any gestures to him.
The IDF, in contrast, thinks Israel must make substantial gestures to bolster Abbas. Minor steps - like dismantling unmanned roadblocks or releasing Palestinian prisoners convicted of crimes other than terrorism - won't suffice, it argues.
The senior Israeli official said the army's concerns were on full display at a briefing for Barak last week given by Maj. Gen. Eitan Dangot, the coordinator of government activities in the territories. Dangot, he said, expressed great concern over the messages he has been getting from senior PA officials recently - namely, that Abbas is depressed and threatening to resign in light of the impasse in negotiations, the boost the Shalit deal gave Hamas and the fear that his UN bid will fail even without an American veto, given his difficulties in recruiting the necessary nine votes in the Security Council.
Over the last two weeks, the Israeli official said, several of Abbas' advisers, including his chief negotiator, Saeb Erekat, have urged him to disband the PA and hand responsibility for the territories back to Israel. This has strengthened the army's view that gestures to bolster Abbas are needed.
Netanyahu's advisers, however, don't take Abbas' resignation threats seriously, noting that such threats tend to recur frequently. "There's nothing new in this," said one. "He threatens all the time."
Israeli identity theft highlights crisis of information in digital age
Digital information is gradually becoming information that can be copied perfectly with almost unbearable ease.
The state does not know how to protect information. And not just Israel is negligent; most countries are. Think of WikiLeaks, which has published millions of classified documents in recent years, from large corporations, the military and the State Department.
Digital information is gradually becoming information that can be copied perfectly with almost unbearable ease. Not for nothing were the actions of Anat Kam, the Israel Defense Forces soldier such a shock: she inserted a disc, transferred hundreds of classified military documents from one file to another and copied them - and that was that.
But the risk can be reduced. Israel in particular is blessed with a number of high-tech companies that are developing the tools to prevent information leaks. These tools can warn in seconds of unauthorized opening of a file, and stop it from being illegally copied or sent to an unfamiliar e-mail address.
But the state, by its nature, is a large and clumsy body that has difficulty in efficient use of advanced technology and enforcing policy on tens of thousands of employees.
This raises even more serious questions about a biometric database established and operated by the state. While the database of the Population Registry reveals personal details such as full name, birth date and address, the biometric database will include essential, unique keys to our identity, such as fingerprints - to be managed by none other than the state.
As long as the database is well protected, it has quite a few advantages in terms of quick, precise identification. But the moment it is hacked - and it will be - it will be impossible to put the genie back in the bottle and all of our identities will be forfeited.
The author is the head of the Digital Studies track at the College of Management's School of Communications.
The state does not know how to protect information. And not just Israel is negligent; most countries are. Think of WikiLeaks, which has published millions of classified documents in recent years, from large corporations, the military and the State Department.
Digital information is gradually becoming information that can be copied perfectly with almost unbearable ease. Not for nothing were the actions of Anat Kam, the Israel Defense Forces soldier such a shock: she inserted a disc, transferred hundreds of classified military documents from one file to another and copied them - and that was that.
But the risk can be reduced. Israel in particular is blessed with a number of high-tech companies that are developing the tools to prevent information leaks. These tools can warn in seconds of unauthorized opening of a file, and stop it from being illegally copied or sent to an unfamiliar e-mail address.
But the state, by its nature, is a large and clumsy body that has difficulty in efficient use of advanced technology and enforcing policy on tens of thousands of employees.
This raises even more serious questions about a biometric database established and operated by the state. While the database of the Population Registry reveals personal details such as full name, birth date and address, the biometric database will include essential, unique keys to our identity, such as fingerprints - to be managed by none other than the state.
As long as the database is well protected, it has quite a few advantages in terms of quick, precise identification. But the moment it is hacked - and it will be - it will be impossible to put the genie back in the bottle and all of our identities will be forfeited.
The author is the head of the Digital Studies track at the College of Management's School of Communications.
Reflections on Gilad Shalit and the sorrow of irreclaimable time
Gilad Shalit was in captivity for five years, frozen in irreclaimable time; five years lost to him and to his family; so much potential for productivity, for love, and for life - suspended in state, in a dark corner of the Gaza Strip.
My wife and I were married six years ago in May of 2005. We traveled to Montreal for a brief honeymoon, after which we returned to the place that we first met when we were children, Camp Ramah in the Poconos, to spend the summer as staff members.
When the summer ended we traveled to Israel where we spent our sh'nat d'vash, our 'honeymoon year' in a sun-drenched apartment in Jerusalem. We were both studying, I at the Schechter Institutes, and she at the Pardes Institute of Jewish studies.
It was a year filled with the indescribable joys of Torah, family and friends, while living in the modern, vibrant and endlessly complex State of Israel.
When our time in Israel was nearly up, we decided to treat ourselves to one last trip - a belated anniversary present to ourselves. And so in June of 2006 we traveled to Tiberias for a weekend of biking, hiking and swimming in the Kinneret.
As we were packing to leave, we heard the news: a soldier had been kidnapped at the Kerem Shalom border crossing, his name was Gilad Shalit, and no one knew what would ever become of him.
Unbelievably, that was over five years ago.
Whenever I have thought about, and prayed for Gilad Shalit over these past five years, I have found myself reflecting on the unspeakable sorrow which comes from the realization that time is irreclaimable. Looking back on his time in captivity, I couldn't help but recall what has happened to my wife and myself during those five years.
We returned from Israel to America where I completed my final two years as a rabbinical student at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America. We rescued a 12 pound puppy from an Animal Shelter who is now a four-year-old behemoth. We moved to Providence, Rhode Island where I got a job as a congregational rabbi; and over the past three years I have given countless divrei torah, presided over many joyous baby namings and had the profound honor of burying those whom our congregation has lost.
We bought a house, we leased a car. The lease was up, we bought a new one. And most importantly, during these five years we were privileged to bring two beautiful daughters into this world; a two-and-a-half-year-old, and a five-month-old.
All this and more has occurred in our lives, and in everyone else's lives, since that morning of Sunday, June 25th 2006; except for Gilad. All the while Gilad has been in captivity - frozen in irreclaimable time. Five years sitting in his cell. Five years lost to him and to his family; so much potential for productivity, for love, and for life - suspended in state, in a dark corner of the Gaza Strip.
The news of his negotiated release has brought incredible joy to the entire People of Israel, as well as the State of Israel. But we know that although he returns, he will never be able to reclaim those lost five years. That is what the terrorists have taken from him; something that can never be returned.
As part of our morning prayers on Mondays and Thursdays, we remind God that "All the House of Israel are brothers, whether they suffer oppression or imprisonment, whether at sea or on the dry land." And after reminding God of the unity and resolve of the Jewish people, then we pray "May God have compassion upon them, taking them from confinement to freedom, from darkness to light, from enslavement to redemption, now and speedily - and let us say, Amen."
In honor of Gilad Shalit and his long overdue return home, and in recognition of the solemnity of irreclaimable time, I say, Amen.
Rabbi Joel Seltzer is a rabbi at Temple Emanu-El in Providence, Rhode Island.
My wife and I were married six years ago in May of 2005. We traveled to Montreal for a brief honeymoon, after which we returned to the place that we first met when we were children, Camp Ramah in the Poconos, to spend the summer as staff members.
When the summer ended we traveled to Israel where we spent our sh'nat d'vash, our 'honeymoon year' in a sun-drenched apartment in Jerusalem. We were both studying, I at the Schechter Institutes, and she at the Pardes Institute of Jewish studies.
It was a year filled with the indescribable joys of Torah, family and friends, while living in the modern, vibrant and endlessly complex State of Israel.
When our time in Israel was nearly up, we decided to treat ourselves to one last trip - a belated anniversary present to ourselves. And so in June of 2006 we traveled to Tiberias for a weekend of biking, hiking and swimming in the Kinneret.
As we were packing to leave, we heard the news: a soldier had been kidnapped at the Kerem Shalom border crossing, his name was Gilad Shalit, and no one knew what would ever become of him.
Unbelievably, that was over five years ago.
Whenever I have thought about, and prayed for Gilad Shalit over these past five years, I have found myself reflecting on the unspeakable sorrow which comes from the realization that time is irreclaimable. Looking back on his time in captivity, I couldn't help but recall what has happened to my wife and myself during those five years.
We returned from Israel to America where I completed my final two years as a rabbinical student at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America. We rescued a 12 pound puppy from an Animal Shelter who is now a four-year-old behemoth. We moved to Providence, Rhode Island where I got a job as a congregational rabbi; and over the past three years I have given countless divrei torah, presided over many joyous baby namings and had the profound honor of burying those whom our congregation has lost.
We bought a house, we leased a car. The lease was up, we bought a new one. And most importantly, during these five years we were privileged to bring two beautiful daughters into this world; a two-and-a-half-year-old, and a five-month-old.
All this and more has occurred in our lives, and in everyone else's lives, since that morning of Sunday, June 25th 2006; except for Gilad. All the while Gilad has been in captivity - frozen in irreclaimable time. Five years sitting in his cell. Five years lost to him and to his family; so much potential for productivity, for love, and for life - suspended in state, in a dark corner of the Gaza Strip.
The news of his negotiated release has brought incredible joy to the entire People of Israel, as well as the State of Israel. But we know that although he returns, he will never be able to reclaim those lost five years. That is what the terrorists have taken from him; something that can never be returned.
As part of our morning prayers on Mondays and Thursdays, we remind God that "All the House of Israel are brothers, whether they suffer oppression or imprisonment, whether at sea or on the dry land." And after reminding God of the unity and resolve of the Jewish people, then we pray "May God have compassion upon them, taking them from confinement to freedom, from darkness to light, from enslavement to redemption, now and speedily - and let us say, Amen."
In honor of Gilad Shalit and his long overdue return home, and in recognition of the solemnity of irreclaimable time, I say, Amen.
Rabbi Joel Seltzer is a rabbi at Temple Emanu-El in Providence, Rhode Island.
Oct 23, 2011
Martyrs, courtesy of Egypt TV and Gilad Shalit
Disgraceful, contemptible, forced, humiliating, artificial, violent - Israeli anchors spared Egyptian state TV nothing, and lost no opportunity to run the footage of the interview again and again.
Israel's media people professed outrage at the interview that Egyptian journalist Shahira Amin conducted with Gilad Shalit mere moments after his release, which spared them from introspection.
Disgraceful, contemptible, forced, humiliating, artificial, violent - Israeli anchors spared Egyptian state TV nothing, and lost no opportunity to run the footage of the interview again and again. So far the only direct quotes from Shalit himself are from that interview, by the way.
The day before he came back, Israel's media outlets signed a treaty dictated by the Israel Defense Forces, with the imprimatur of the Shalit family, the Israel Press Council and the Tel Aviv Journalists Association. All Israeli newspapers, websites and TV channels vowed to eschew taking photos or video footage that would invade the privacy of the Shalits for 10 days after his return, unless they had the Shalits' explicit permission.
Their signature on that treaty has elevated Israel's journalists practically to sainthood. It stops them from interviewing the soldier, returned after more than five years' captivity, unless he wants it. They voluntarily chained themselves to a declaration of humanity and compassion.
With this rare undertaking, Israel's most predatory reporters have voluntarily made themselves martyrs and as such, they watch the Egyptian interview and growl "Foul." But one has to wonder what irks them the most: the fact that the interview smacks of yet another interrogation by Hamas, or the fact that they lost out on being first to interview Shalit.
The despicable interview is deserving of censure, as is the conduct of Israeli journalists in other cases. For instance, "interviews" obtained by fraud, without consent, with army widows including Karnit Goldwasser and Shlomit Peretz; or calling Rona Ramon, widow of astronaut Ilan Ramon, to get her first reaction to the news - which she thereby learned - that her son Assaf's plane had crashed and he was dead.
The treaty has enabled the Israeli media to stress a false narrative that they love to tell, in contrast to less comfortable facts, that they are ethical, mindful of human rights and respectful of privacy, while Egyptian state TV abused Shalit.
If not for his powerful quotes from the interview with Amin, Israel's top journalists might well have ignored the treaty and done everything in their power to be first to access him. We shall never know. Egyptian TV spared us from that knowledge.
Watching Gilad Shalit on Egyptian TV was painful and infuriating. The heart went out to him. Stop it! But on second thought, that interview, which lasted but a few minutes, gave him a respite ahead of the onslaught, as hundreds of reporters and photographers start the chase.
Israel's media people professed outrage at the interview that Egyptian journalist Shahira Amin conducted with Gilad Shalit mere moments after his release, which spared them from introspection.
Disgraceful, contemptible, forced, humiliating, artificial, violent - Israeli anchors spared Egyptian state TV nothing, and lost no opportunity to run the footage of the interview again and again. So far the only direct quotes from Shalit himself are from that interview, by the way.
The day before he came back, Israel's media outlets signed a treaty dictated by the Israel Defense Forces, with the imprimatur of the Shalit family, the Israel Press Council and the Tel Aviv Journalists Association. All Israeli newspapers, websites and TV channels vowed to eschew taking photos or video footage that would invade the privacy of the Shalits for 10 days after his return, unless they had the Shalits' explicit permission.
Their signature on that treaty has elevated Israel's journalists practically to sainthood. It stops them from interviewing the soldier, returned after more than five years' captivity, unless he wants it. They voluntarily chained themselves to a declaration of humanity and compassion.
With this rare undertaking, Israel's most predatory reporters have voluntarily made themselves martyrs and as such, they watch the Egyptian interview and growl "Foul." But one has to wonder what irks them the most: the fact that the interview smacks of yet another interrogation by Hamas, or the fact that they lost out on being first to interview Shalit.
The despicable interview is deserving of censure, as is the conduct of Israeli journalists in other cases. For instance, "interviews" obtained by fraud, without consent, with army widows including Karnit Goldwasser and Shlomit Peretz; or calling Rona Ramon, widow of astronaut Ilan Ramon, to get her first reaction to the news - which she thereby learned - that her son Assaf's plane had crashed and he was dead.
The treaty has enabled the Israeli media to stress a false narrative that they love to tell, in contrast to less comfortable facts, that they are ethical, mindful of human rights and respectful of privacy, while Egyptian state TV abused Shalit.
If not for his powerful quotes from the interview with Amin, Israel's top journalists might well have ignored the treaty and done everything in their power to be first to access him. We shall never know. Egyptian TV spared us from that knowledge.
Watching Gilad Shalit on Egyptian TV was painful and infuriating. The heart went out to him. Stop it! But on second thought, that interview, which lasted but a few minutes, gave him a respite ahead of the onslaught, as hundreds of reporters and photographers start the chase.
The road to freedom
News of the Gilad Shalit deal arrives during a treacherous journey.
It was my first trip to Arad. That evening, a huge round orange moon hung over the eastern roofs of Jerusalem. The smartphone's navigation system suggested the shortest route from Jerusalem to Arad and promised a 90-minute trip. That might not have aroused my suspicion had it not been for the fact that this was the eve of the Sukkot holiday and the highways were certain to be busy.
Stubbornly I checked out the suggested route and discovered that the foolish instrument was planning to take me through the tunnels road, Hebron and Yatta. "Have you lost your mind?" I shouted at the automatic navigator and wondered how he could have allowed himself to suggest flagrantly illegal routes. I gave up on the heavenly guidance of the satellite and decided to rely on the road signs. In general I know how to get to Be'er Sheva, and from there I will certainly see signs that will take me to Arad.
The way out of Jerusalem was already crowded. The traffic reports, which came on after long minutes of crawling up a hill, talked about heavy traffic from the edge of Jerusalem as far as the Harel interchange, because of a stuck vehicle. That's so typical of the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv highway: it's enough for a heavy truck to drive slowly in one lane to cause a nerve-racking traffic jam all the way to Sha'ar Haggai - and now they were talking about a vehicle that was stuck. It's the first time I've been invited to Arad, and I was already starting to be afraid that I would not get to the library there on time.
It took me half an hour to get to the stuck vehicle, which was blocking a lane a little before the turnoff to Mevasseret Zion. I wanted to look to the right, to make eye contact with the blocking driver - I wanted him to see my furious, outraged face, because maybe that way he would grasp the enormity of what he had done - but I refrained, as I do when I pass a car that's been damaged in an accident. I always restrain myself from looking, in order not to be one of those curiosity seekers who slow down the traffic. I just kept going, and after that the road was pretty clear.
I turned left at Lehavim Junction and got to Shoket Junction with no problems. There was a serious problem with the traffic lights there, but luckily for me there wasn't much traffic. I still have a chance of making it on time, I told myself as I drove east, toward Arad and the Dead Sea. The moon shone bright and helped me traverse the dreadful, unlit road - a huge moon, now white over the desert. The radio broke off its regular programming for a news bulletin. A reporter burst into the studio and said that Al Arabiya, an Arab television network which is considered reliable, was announcing that a deal had been struck to free Gilad Shalit. A minute went by and there was a report about an extraordinary cabinet meeting. The reports quickly became official - confirmations were received about a prisoner exchange deal. I was glad. I was very glad, and the moon hung there over the desert like a smile and made the drive pleasant.
I reached the municipal library in Arad exactly on time. An audience of readers, surprising in its fairly large numbers, had not yet heard the great news. The director of the library informed them just before he presented me and invited me onstage. The festive atmosphere undoubtedly helped me shake off the weariness from the exhausting drive.
At the conclusion of a successful discussion with the audience, I got into my car, following wishes for a good trip from the polite organizers, who also implored me to drive carefully on the awful road. By now there was a great to-do on the radio. Reporters were dispatched to every possible corner and broadcasters tried to get whoever they could onto the air. The cabinet was meeting and everyone was waiting to hear the results of the vote. A thousand-something Palestinian prisoners, the broadcasters said, in return for one Israeli soldier.
The initial happy atmosphere had turned a bit reserved while I was in the Arad library. The way back was really tough - very dark, with blinding lights from the other direction. I decided to drive slowly and listen to the reports until Shoket Junction, after which the rest of the trip would be a lot less dangerous - so the library staff had promised. But the road from Arad to Shoket became longer and longer, and for a moment seemed endless. On the radio they were talking about the steep price we were paying, and I tried to think about those thousand-something prisoners: What they looked like, what they had done, what their families felt. Murderers, someone called them on the air; terrorists, the broadcaster called them. They, in contrast to our Gilad, would not be returning to the family fold - they had no loving parents and children waiting for them - but to the terror fold. A thousand-something prisoners about whom no one knows anything, who have no faces, who are just a number.
I was dazzled and had to follow closely the yellow stripe that started to threaten me on the right side of the road. Occasionally a car passed me; some of the drivers gave me an irritated, angry look as they went by. I only hoped that I would be able to drive in their wake, so their tail lights would light my way and tell me about bends in the road, ups and downs - but in vain. They drove too fast, and left me behind, alone with the yellow stripe and the radio.
My eyes started to burn with the effort. An important speaker said on the radio that one Jew is worth a thousand Arabs, and this was a sign of the Jewish people's greatness. The broadcaster repeated his words in agreement. The cabinet would soon start voting. A sure majority, the diplomatic correspondents said, and the way looked so long, so narrow and dark and I looked in the mirror for the huge, round ever-so-close moon, but it had gone out.
It was my first trip to Arad. That evening, a huge round orange moon hung over the eastern roofs of Jerusalem. The smartphone's navigation system suggested the shortest route from Jerusalem to Arad and promised a 90-minute trip. That might not have aroused my suspicion had it not been for the fact that this was the eve of the Sukkot holiday and the highways were certain to be busy.
Stubbornly I checked out the suggested route and discovered that the foolish instrument was planning to take me through the tunnels road, Hebron and Yatta. "Have you lost your mind?" I shouted at the automatic navigator and wondered how he could have allowed himself to suggest flagrantly illegal routes. I gave up on the heavenly guidance of the satellite and decided to rely on the road signs. In general I know how to get to Be'er Sheva, and from there I will certainly see signs that will take me to Arad.
The way out of Jerusalem was already crowded. The traffic reports, which came on after long minutes of crawling up a hill, talked about heavy traffic from the edge of Jerusalem as far as the Harel interchange, because of a stuck vehicle. That's so typical of the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv highway: it's enough for a heavy truck to drive slowly in one lane to cause a nerve-racking traffic jam all the way to Sha'ar Haggai - and now they were talking about a vehicle that was stuck. It's the first time I've been invited to Arad, and I was already starting to be afraid that I would not get to the library there on time.
It took me half an hour to get to the stuck vehicle, which was blocking a lane a little before the turnoff to Mevasseret Zion. I wanted to look to the right, to make eye contact with the blocking driver - I wanted him to see my furious, outraged face, because maybe that way he would grasp the enormity of what he had done - but I refrained, as I do when I pass a car that's been damaged in an accident. I always restrain myself from looking, in order not to be one of those curiosity seekers who slow down the traffic. I just kept going, and after that the road was pretty clear.
I turned left at Lehavim Junction and got to Shoket Junction with no problems. There was a serious problem with the traffic lights there, but luckily for me there wasn't much traffic. I still have a chance of making it on time, I told myself as I drove east, toward Arad and the Dead Sea. The moon shone bright and helped me traverse the dreadful, unlit road - a huge moon, now white over the desert. The radio broke off its regular programming for a news bulletin. A reporter burst into the studio and said that Al Arabiya, an Arab television network which is considered reliable, was announcing that a deal had been struck to free Gilad Shalit. A minute went by and there was a report about an extraordinary cabinet meeting. The reports quickly became official - confirmations were received about a prisoner exchange deal. I was glad. I was very glad, and the moon hung there over the desert like a smile and made the drive pleasant.
I reached the municipal library in Arad exactly on time. An audience of readers, surprising in its fairly large numbers, had not yet heard the great news. The director of the library informed them just before he presented me and invited me onstage. The festive atmosphere undoubtedly helped me shake off the weariness from the exhausting drive.
At the conclusion of a successful discussion with the audience, I got into my car, following wishes for a good trip from the polite organizers, who also implored me to drive carefully on the awful road. By now there was a great to-do on the radio. Reporters were dispatched to every possible corner and broadcasters tried to get whoever they could onto the air. The cabinet was meeting and everyone was waiting to hear the results of the vote. A thousand-something Palestinian prisoners, the broadcasters said, in return for one Israeli soldier.
The initial happy atmosphere had turned a bit reserved while I was in the Arad library. The way back was really tough - very dark, with blinding lights from the other direction. I decided to drive slowly and listen to the reports until Shoket Junction, after which the rest of the trip would be a lot less dangerous - so the library staff had promised. But the road from Arad to Shoket became longer and longer, and for a moment seemed endless. On the radio they were talking about the steep price we were paying, and I tried to think about those thousand-something prisoners: What they looked like, what they had done, what their families felt. Murderers, someone called them on the air; terrorists, the broadcaster called them. They, in contrast to our Gilad, would not be returning to the family fold - they had no loving parents and children waiting for them - but to the terror fold. A thousand-something prisoners about whom no one knows anything, who have no faces, who are just a number.
I was dazzled and had to follow closely the yellow stripe that started to threaten me on the right side of the road. Occasionally a car passed me; some of the drivers gave me an irritated, angry look as they went by. I only hoped that I would be able to drive in their wake, so their tail lights would light my way and tell me about bends in the road, ups and downs - but in vain. They drove too fast, and left me behind, alone with the yellow stripe and the radio.
My eyes started to burn with the effort. An important speaker said on the radio that one Jew is worth a thousand Arabs, and this was a sign of the Jewish people's greatness. The broadcaster repeated his words in agreement. The cabinet would soon start voting. A sure majority, the diplomatic correspondents said, and the way looked so long, so narrow and dark and I looked in the mirror for the huge, round ever-so-close moon, but it had gone out.
Carter to Haaretz: I would have acted as Netanyahu did to release Gilad Shalit
In a telephone interview with Haaretz, Carter says that national leaders must act according to the individual circumstances of each case, hopes prisoner exchange furthers reconciliation efforts between Palestinian factions.
They say no normal country would release more than 1,000 prisoners, including arch-terrorists, to free one soldier, Gilad Shalit.
I asked former U.S. President Jimmy Carter how he would have conducted himself if he had been in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's position.
In a telephone interview with Haaretz, Carter said that national leaders must act according to the individual circumstances of each case, and he believes he would have acted as Netanyahu did in the Shalit case.
The former American president said that as far as he knew from following negotiations in the case closely, Netanyahu could have reached a similar deal on Shalit's release two years ago. He said he was not being critical of the Israeli prime minister, however, explaining that it was in the nature of negotiations.
Carter is very familiar with the Shalit case. He attempted to assist in efforts to free him, and convinced Hamas political leader Khaled Meshal to allow an exchange of letters between Shalit and his family.
In a letter from Gilad Shalit that the former U.S. president sent to the Shalit family in June 2008, the captive soldier begged for his life. Carter said at the time that Hamas officials told him that Shalit was being held under better conditions than Palestinian prisoners in Israel.
Carter said he hoped this month's prisoner exchange would further efforts toward reconciliation between Palestinian factions, an apparent reference to the split between Hamas and the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority. He also said he hoped it would lead to Palestinian elections and bring Hamas closer to the peace process.
In a case involving somewhat similar circumstances to Shalit's, Carter was confronted with the task of how to handle demands by the Iranian Islamic government for the extradition of the deposed shah of Iran in exchange for the release of 52 Americans taken hostage at the U.S. Embassy in the Iranian capital in 1979. Instead, Carter decided to attempt a hostage rescue mission, which ended in failure.
Carter was unaware of a swap that Israel had proposed in the 1960s to Syria in exchange for the return of Israeli spy Eli Cohen, who managed to infiltrate high levels of the Syrian regime at the time and sent back a treasure trove of intelligence information to Israel before his identity was uncovered.
This week Haaretz learned from a senior diplomat that the Israeli government of Levi Eshkol at the time had offered Syria $53 million ($370 million in 2011 dollars terms ) to buy Cohen's freedom. The offer was not accepted and Cohen was hanged in Damascus in 1965. Efforts to have his body returned to Israel have failed ever since.
They say no normal country would release more than 1,000 prisoners, including arch-terrorists, to free one soldier, Gilad Shalit.
I asked former U.S. President Jimmy Carter how he would have conducted himself if he had been in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's position.
In a telephone interview with Haaretz, Carter said that national leaders must act according to the individual circumstances of each case, and he believes he would have acted as Netanyahu did in the Shalit case.
The former American president said that as far as he knew from following negotiations in the case closely, Netanyahu could have reached a similar deal on Shalit's release two years ago. He said he was not being critical of the Israeli prime minister, however, explaining that it was in the nature of negotiations.
Carter is very familiar with the Shalit case. He attempted to assist in efforts to free him, and convinced Hamas political leader Khaled Meshal to allow an exchange of letters between Shalit and his family.
In a letter from Gilad Shalit that the former U.S. president sent to the Shalit family in June 2008, the captive soldier begged for his life. Carter said at the time that Hamas officials told him that Shalit was being held under better conditions than Palestinian prisoners in Israel.
Carter said he hoped this month's prisoner exchange would further efforts toward reconciliation between Palestinian factions, an apparent reference to the split between Hamas and the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority. He also said he hoped it would lead to Palestinian elections and bring Hamas closer to the peace process.
In a case involving somewhat similar circumstances to Shalit's, Carter was confronted with the task of how to handle demands by the Iranian Islamic government for the extradition of the deposed shah of Iran in exchange for the release of 52 Americans taken hostage at the U.S. Embassy in the Iranian capital in 1979. Instead, Carter decided to attempt a hostage rescue mission, which ended in failure.
Carter was unaware of a swap that Israel had proposed in the 1960s to Syria in exchange for the return of Israeli spy Eli Cohen, who managed to infiltrate high levels of the Syrian regime at the time and sent back a treasure trove of intelligence information to Israel before his identity was uncovered.
This week Haaretz learned from a senior diplomat that the Israeli government of Levi Eshkol at the time had offered Syria $53 million ($370 million in 2011 dollars terms ) to buy Cohen's freedom. The offer was not accepted and Cohen was hanged in Damascus in 1965. Efforts to have his body returned to Israel have failed ever since.
Israel mulls freeing Fatah prisoners as gesture to Abbas
Cabinet split over bolstering PA leader or punishing him for UN statehood bid; next month IDF to give government list of recommended goodwill gestures, including releasing additional Palestinian prisoners.
Israel should make a series of gestures to the Palestinian Authority to reduce the damage caused the PA by last week's deal for the return of Gilad Shalit, the Israel Defense Forces' General Staff believes. But Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's advisors vehemently oppose the idea, as do several members of his forum of eight senior ministers, arguing that PA President Mahmoud Abbas "should be punished" for his unilateral bid for UN recognition of a Palestinian state.
"We don't want the Palestinian Authority to collapse," one advisor said, "but if it happens, it won't be the end of the world."
Next month, the IDF will give the government a list of the gestures it recommends, including releasing additional Palestinian prisoners and perhaps transferring additional parts of the West Bank to Palestinian security control. The army considers this necessary to help Abbas regain the upper hand in his ongoing battle with Hamas for control of the territories, since Israel's intelligence agencies all concur that the Shalit deal, in which Hamas obtained the release of 1,027 Palestinian prisoners in exchange for one kidnapped soldier, bolstered the Islamic organization at the PA's expense.
One senior Israeli official told Haaretz that Abbas thinks the deal was deliberately intended to strengthen Hamas and weaken him, in order to punish him for his UN bid.
One of the IDF's proposals relates to the second stage of the Shalit deal, in which Israel will free another 550 prisoners of its own choosing. While the list has not yet been drawn up, it seems that most will be low-level terrorists belonging to Abbas' Fatah party, and the army deems the Fatah affiliation critical.
The army also proposes that Israel release additional prisoners beyond these 550 as a gesture to Abbas in honor of Id al-Adha, the Muslim holiday that falls in another two weeks.
Last-minute orders
Another proposal is to transfer part of what is known as Area B - areas of the West Bank that, according to the Oslo Accords, are under Palestinian civilian control but Israeli security control - to Area A, which is under full Palestinian control. Most of the territory the army favors transferring is in the northern West Bank, between Jenin, Nablus and Tul Karm, as this area has few Israeli settlements.
A fourth idea is returning the bodies of slain terrorists to the PA. That was supposed to have happened a few months ago, but was canceled at the last minute on orders from Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak.
Senior PA officials have said in recent days that the principal gesture they want from Israel is the release of Fatah terrorists who have been imprisoned since before the 1993 Oslo Accords. They also said they have had several discussions with Israel recently about transferring additional territory to Area A, but all have gone nowhere.
In the past, Barak has voiced support for far-reaching gestures toward Abbas. But Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman has consistently opposed the idea and Netanyahu is unenthusiastic. Thus, when the army proposed gestures to the PA in the run-up to last month's UN bid, with the goal of calming the atmosphere and preventing an explosion, the government rejected the proposal.
With the Shalit deal concluded, the IDF is hoping the government will be more amenable. But given Jerusalem's anger at Abbas' statehood bid, that seems doubtful.
The issue is further complicated by uncertainty over Abbas' intentions - a question on which both government officials and intelligence professionals are split. Some believe that Abbas has no interest in resuming negotiations with Israel, preferring to pursue his case at the UN and among the international community in the hope of forcing concessions on Israel. Members of this camp see no point in making any gestures to him.
The IDF, in contrast, thinks Israel must make substantial gestures to bolster Abbas. Minor steps - like dismantling unmanned roadblocks or releasing Palestinian prisoners convicted of crimes other than terrorism - won't suffice, it argues.
The senior Israeli official said the army's concerns were on full display at a briefing for Barak last week given by Maj. Gen. Eitan Dangot, the coordinator of government activities in the territories. Dangot, he said, expressed great concern over the messages he has been getting from senior PA officials recently - namely, that Abbas is depressed and threatening to resign in light of the impasse in negotiations, the boost the Shalit deal gave Hamas and the fear that his UN bid will fail even without an American veto, given his difficulties in recruiting the necessary nine votes in the Security Council.
Over the last two weeks, the Israeli official said, several of Abbas' advisors, including his chief negotiator, Saeb Erekat, have urged him to disband the PA and hand responsibility for the territories back to Israel. This has strengthened the army's view that gestures to bolster Abbas are needed.
Netanyahu's advisors, however, don't take Abbas' resignation threats seriously, noting that such threats tend to recur frequently. "There's nothing new in this," said one. "He threatens all the time."
Israel should make a series of gestures to the Palestinian Authority to reduce the damage caused the PA by last week's deal for the return of Gilad Shalit, the Israel Defense Forces' General Staff believes. But Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's advisors vehemently oppose the idea, as do several members of his forum of eight senior ministers, arguing that PA President Mahmoud Abbas "should be punished" for his unilateral bid for UN recognition of a Palestinian state.
"We don't want the Palestinian Authority to collapse," one advisor said, "but if it happens, it won't be the end of the world."
Next month, the IDF will give the government a list of the gestures it recommends, including releasing additional Palestinian prisoners and perhaps transferring additional parts of the West Bank to Palestinian security control. The army considers this necessary to help Abbas regain the upper hand in his ongoing battle with Hamas for control of the territories, since Israel's intelligence agencies all concur that the Shalit deal, in which Hamas obtained the release of 1,027 Palestinian prisoners in exchange for one kidnapped soldier, bolstered the Islamic organization at the PA's expense.
One senior Israeli official told Haaretz that Abbas thinks the deal was deliberately intended to strengthen Hamas and weaken him, in order to punish him for his UN bid.
One of the IDF's proposals relates to the second stage of the Shalit deal, in which Israel will free another 550 prisoners of its own choosing. While the list has not yet been drawn up, it seems that most will be low-level terrorists belonging to Abbas' Fatah party, and the army deems the Fatah affiliation critical.
The army also proposes that Israel release additional prisoners beyond these 550 as a gesture to Abbas in honor of Id al-Adha, the Muslim holiday that falls in another two weeks.
Last-minute orders
Another proposal is to transfer part of what is known as Area B - areas of the West Bank that, according to the Oslo Accords, are under Palestinian civilian control but Israeli security control - to Area A, which is under full Palestinian control. Most of the territory the army favors transferring is in the northern West Bank, between Jenin, Nablus and Tul Karm, as this area has few Israeli settlements.
A fourth idea is returning the bodies of slain terrorists to the PA. That was supposed to have happened a few months ago, but was canceled at the last minute on orders from Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak.
Senior PA officials have said in recent days that the principal gesture they want from Israel is the release of Fatah terrorists who have been imprisoned since before the 1993 Oslo Accords. They also said they have had several discussions with Israel recently about transferring additional territory to Area A, but all have gone nowhere.
In the past, Barak has voiced support for far-reaching gestures toward Abbas. But Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman has consistently opposed the idea and Netanyahu is unenthusiastic. Thus, when the army proposed gestures to the PA in the run-up to last month's UN bid, with the goal of calming the atmosphere and preventing an explosion, the government rejected the proposal.
With the Shalit deal concluded, the IDF is hoping the government will be more amenable. But given Jerusalem's anger at Abbas' statehood bid, that seems doubtful.
The issue is further complicated by uncertainty over Abbas' intentions - a question on which both government officials and intelligence professionals are split. Some believe that Abbas has no interest in resuming negotiations with Israel, preferring to pursue his case at the UN and among the international community in the hope of forcing concessions on Israel. Members of this camp see no point in making any gestures to him.
The IDF, in contrast, thinks Israel must make substantial gestures to bolster Abbas. Minor steps - like dismantling unmanned roadblocks or releasing Palestinian prisoners convicted of crimes other than terrorism - won't suffice, it argues.
The senior Israeli official said the army's concerns were on full display at a briefing for Barak last week given by Maj. Gen. Eitan Dangot, the coordinator of government activities in the territories. Dangot, he said, expressed great concern over the messages he has been getting from senior PA officials recently - namely, that Abbas is depressed and threatening to resign in light of the impasse in negotiations, the boost the Shalit deal gave Hamas and the fear that his UN bid will fail even without an American veto, given his difficulties in recruiting the necessary nine votes in the Security Council.
Over the last two weeks, the Israeli official said, several of Abbas' advisors, including his chief negotiator, Saeb Erekat, have urged him to disband the PA and hand responsibility for the territories back to Israel. This has strengthened the army's view that gestures to bolster Abbas are needed.
Netanyahu's advisors, however, don't take Abbas' resignation threats seriously, noting that such threats tend to recur frequently. "There's nothing new in this," said one. "He threatens all the time."
Netanyahu agrees to partially freeze West Bank construction in bid to resume talks
Israeli official says freeze will apply solely to 'government construction' in West Bank; Abbas has not yet responded to the proposal.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says he's willing to freeze government construction in West Bank settlements as well as all construction on government land there. In return, he needs an agreement by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to resume direct peace talks.
According to a senior Israeli official, Abbas has not yet responded, but he has been threatening to resign if there is no diplomatic progress in the next three months.
The Prime Minister's Office said, however, that Netanyahu did not offer an additional freeze; Israel's position had not changed: an immediate start to direct talks with the Palestinian Authority with no preconditions.
The senior Israeli official said a new proposal was relayed to Abbas on Wednesday by Colombian Foreign Minister Maria Angela Holguin, who arrived on a surprise visit to Israel and the Palestinian Authority. She was sent by Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos, who has launched a mediation effort in an attempt to break the deadlock in the peace process.
The mediation took shape on October 11, when Abbas arrived in Colombia to try to convince the president of Colombia, currently a member of the UN Security Council, to support the PA's bid for full UN membership, a senior Israeli official said.
Before Abbas' visit, Santos contacted U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, proposing that he mediate due to the close Colombian-Israeli ties and his good relations with Abbas. Clinton gave the effort her blessing.
Santos also spoke to Netanyahu, with whom he had met two weeks earlier on the sidelines of the meeting of the UN General Assembly. Netanyahu said he was ready to cooperate in the Colombian initiative. Though Santos told Abbas he strongly opposed the Palestinians' unilateral statehood bid at the United Nations, Abbas did not oppose Colombian mediation. That laid the groundwork for Santos to send his foreign minister on a secret visit to the region.
On Tuesday she met Abbas in Ramallah and presented a number of formulas for a meeting between Abbas and Netanyahu, one of which would involve a secret meeting between the two in the region. Or there would be secret channels at a lower level. Another option was for the two leaders to meet in Colombia.
Abbas told Holguin that he did not oppose a resumption of negotiations with Israel, but Netanyahu would have to commit to certain steps regarding settlement construction, even if only a symbolic gesture that would let Abbas present it to the Palestinian public as an accomplishment.
On Wednesday, Holguin met with Netanyahu at the Prime Minister's Office. According to a senior Israeli official, Holguin told the prime minister that Abbas was in a particularly gloomy mood and sounded despondent during their talk.
The source noted that Israel had received similar reports recently of Abbas' dejected mood from a number of Western diplomats. According to one report, Abbas was bitter at Netanyahu, saying that the Israeli prime minister would like to see him slaughtered because Abbas was currently the most dangerous person Israel faced. The diplomat said this week's prisoner exchange between Israel and Hamas had made Abbas even more depressed.
Holguin told Netanyahu that Abbas had threatened to resign if there was no progress over the next three months either in the admission of Palestine as a UN member or in negotiations with Israel. Netanyahu said he was not concerned; this was not the first time the Palestinian president had threatened to resign and it wouldn't be the last.
Holguin told Netanyahu that Abbas desperately needed a symbolic gesture from Israel on the settlement issue. Netanyahu surprised her by responding that he would be ready to make such a gesture if it would return Abbas to the negotiating table.
He agreed to freeze construction by the government and to halt building on government land. But he said he would not agree to freeze construction by private developers on privately-owned land in the settlements. Only a small portion of construction in the settlements is carried out or funded by the government, however. Most is performed by private parties.
Netanyahu said the Palestinians were using the settlement issue as an excuse to stay away from the negotiating table, adding that his government had built less in the settlements than any previous government. Netanyahu said he was ready to test Abbas by making the gesture regarding settlements. If Abbas is serious about negotiations, he will renew direct talks, Netanyahu said.
Senior Israeli officials said they do not believe Abbas is interested in renewed talks with Israel but would rather continue to pursue the Palestinian membership bid at the United Nations. This month's prisoner exchange for Gilad Shalit only reinforces that intention, the officials said.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says he's willing to freeze government construction in West Bank settlements as well as all construction on government land there. In return, he needs an agreement by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to resume direct peace talks.
According to a senior Israeli official, Abbas has not yet responded, but he has been threatening to resign if there is no diplomatic progress in the next three months.
The Prime Minister's Office said, however, that Netanyahu did not offer an additional freeze; Israel's position had not changed: an immediate start to direct talks with the Palestinian Authority with no preconditions.
The senior Israeli official said a new proposal was relayed to Abbas on Wednesday by Colombian Foreign Minister Maria Angela Holguin, who arrived on a surprise visit to Israel and the Palestinian Authority. She was sent by Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos, who has launched a mediation effort in an attempt to break the deadlock in the peace process.
The mediation took shape on October 11, when Abbas arrived in Colombia to try to convince the president of Colombia, currently a member of the UN Security Council, to support the PA's bid for full UN membership, a senior Israeli official said.
Before Abbas' visit, Santos contacted U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, proposing that he mediate due to the close Colombian-Israeli ties and his good relations with Abbas. Clinton gave the effort her blessing.
Santos also spoke to Netanyahu, with whom he had met two weeks earlier on the sidelines of the meeting of the UN General Assembly. Netanyahu said he was ready to cooperate in the Colombian initiative. Though Santos told Abbas he strongly opposed the Palestinians' unilateral statehood bid at the United Nations, Abbas did not oppose Colombian mediation. That laid the groundwork for Santos to send his foreign minister on a secret visit to the region.
On Tuesday she met Abbas in Ramallah and presented a number of formulas for a meeting between Abbas and Netanyahu, one of which would involve a secret meeting between the two in the region. Or there would be secret channels at a lower level. Another option was for the two leaders to meet in Colombia.
Abbas told Holguin that he did not oppose a resumption of negotiations with Israel, but Netanyahu would have to commit to certain steps regarding settlement construction, even if only a symbolic gesture that would let Abbas present it to the Palestinian public as an accomplishment.
On Wednesday, Holguin met with Netanyahu at the Prime Minister's Office. According to a senior Israeli official, Holguin told the prime minister that Abbas was in a particularly gloomy mood and sounded despondent during their talk.
The source noted that Israel had received similar reports recently of Abbas' dejected mood from a number of Western diplomats. According to one report, Abbas was bitter at Netanyahu, saying that the Israeli prime minister would like to see him slaughtered because Abbas was currently the most dangerous person Israel faced. The diplomat said this week's prisoner exchange between Israel and Hamas had made Abbas even more depressed.
Holguin told Netanyahu that Abbas had threatened to resign if there was no progress over the next three months either in the admission of Palestine as a UN member or in negotiations with Israel. Netanyahu said he was not concerned; this was not the first time the Palestinian president had threatened to resign and it wouldn't be the last.
Holguin told Netanyahu that Abbas desperately needed a symbolic gesture from Israel on the settlement issue. Netanyahu surprised her by responding that he would be ready to make such a gesture if it would return Abbas to the negotiating table.
He agreed to freeze construction by the government and to halt building on government land. But he said he would not agree to freeze construction by private developers on privately-owned land in the settlements. Only a small portion of construction in the settlements is carried out or funded by the government, however. Most is performed by private parties.
Netanyahu said the Palestinians were using the settlement issue as an excuse to stay away from the negotiating table, adding that his government had built less in the settlements than any previous government. Netanyahu said he was ready to test Abbas by making the gesture regarding settlements. If Abbas is serious about negotiations, he will renew direct talks, Netanyahu said.
Senior Israeli officials said they do not believe Abbas is interested in renewed talks with Israel but would rather continue to pursue the Palestinian membership bid at the United Nations. This month's prisoner exchange for Gilad Shalit only reinforces that intention, the officials said.
Netanyahu: Israel ready to tackle other challenges now that Shalit released
Premier thanks ministers for approving deal that secured IDF soldier's release from Hamas captivity, say they helped bring Shalit back to Israel 'alive and well.'
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday thanked the ministers of his cabinet for approving the prisoner swap with Hamas that secured the release of Israel Defense Forces soldier Gilad Shalit, adding that the government was ready to tackle other issues at hand.
Speaking before the weekly government meeting in Jerusalem, Netanyahu referred to the recently implemented prisoner exchange deal, saying that "last week we brought Gilad Shalit back to Israel alive and well" after more than five-and-a-half years in Hamas captivity.
"I wish to thank the ministers for sharing the load of our decision," the premier said. "Now, after two weeks of extraordinary public unity, we will vigorously continue to deal with the challenges we have been facing" since he entered office more than two years ago.
Earlier Sunday, opposition leader and Kadima leader Tzipi Livni criticized the swap deal, in which 1,027 Palestinian prisoners were to be released for Shalit, saying that it bolstered Hamas and weakened the moderate Palestinian Authority.
In an interview with Israel Radio, Livni said "Israel is losing its military deterrence," and that the next phase of the prisoner exchange, in which another 550 Palestinian prisoners are to be released, must be "coordinated with Abbas, rather than with Hamas."
Livni further stated that the peace process must be restarted as a "matter of national interest" which will show the world that it does not act solely after soldiers are kidnapped.
Two weeks ago, Haaretz reported that in peace talks with the Palestinian Authority in 2009, Israel agreed to release those 550 prisoners as a good-will gesture toward Abbas, when and if a swap deal with Hamas was to take place.
The deal was struck in order to strengthen the moderate Abbas government in the West Bank so as to not bolster Hamas at the expense of the Palestinian Authority.
In response to Livni's comments, Transportation Minister Yisrael Katz stated that the Shalit deal followed guidelines set by Kadima under Livni, and that her comments are "baseless."
In a week's time the Knesset is scheduled to begin its winter session, with a host of burning economic issues that arose over the past several months due to appear on the agenda.
These topics include the recommendations of the Trajtenberg committee for economic change.
Despite Prof. Manuel Trajtenberg and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's demands, the Knesset members are not expected to happily agree to pass the Trajtenberg reforms in one go.
Some reforms are expected to raise objections from coalition parties, including Shas and Yisrael Beiteinu, while MKs are expected to want to expand on others. Meanwhile, the tycoons and their lobbyists are expected to harshly oppose some of the reforms proposed by the committee addressing economic concentration
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday thanked the ministers of his cabinet for approving the prisoner swap with Hamas that secured the release of Israel Defense Forces soldier Gilad Shalit, adding that the government was ready to tackle other issues at hand.
Speaking before the weekly government meeting in Jerusalem, Netanyahu referred to the recently implemented prisoner exchange deal, saying that "last week we brought Gilad Shalit back to Israel alive and well" after more than five-and-a-half years in Hamas captivity.
"I wish to thank the ministers for sharing the load of our decision," the premier said. "Now, after two weeks of extraordinary public unity, we will vigorously continue to deal with the challenges we have been facing" since he entered office more than two years ago.
Earlier Sunday, opposition leader and Kadima leader Tzipi Livni criticized the swap deal, in which 1,027 Palestinian prisoners were to be released for Shalit, saying that it bolstered Hamas and weakened the moderate Palestinian Authority.
In an interview with Israel Radio, Livni said "Israel is losing its military deterrence," and that the next phase of the prisoner exchange, in which another 550 Palestinian prisoners are to be released, must be "coordinated with Abbas, rather than with Hamas."
Livni further stated that the peace process must be restarted as a "matter of national interest" which will show the world that it does not act solely after soldiers are kidnapped.
Two weeks ago, Haaretz reported that in peace talks with the Palestinian Authority in 2009, Israel agreed to release those 550 prisoners as a good-will gesture toward Abbas, when and if a swap deal with Hamas was to take place.
The deal was struck in order to strengthen the moderate Abbas government in the West Bank so as to not bolster Hamas at the expense of the Palestinian Authority.
In response to Livni's comments, Transportation Minister Yisrael Katz stated that the Shalit deal followed guidelines set by Kadima under Livni, and that her comments are "baseless."
In a week's time the Knesset is scheduled to begin its winter session, with a host of burning economic issues that arose over the past several months due to appear on the agenda.
These topics include the recommendations of the Trajtenberg committee for economic change.
Despite Prof. Manuel Trajtenberg and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's demands, the Knesset members are not expected to happily agree to pass the Trajtenberg reforms in one go.
Some reforms are expected to raise objections from coalition parties, including Shas and Yisrael Beiteinu, while MKs are expected to want to expand on others. Meanwhile, the tycoons and their lobbyists are expected to harshly oppose some of the reforms proposed by the committee addressing economic concentration
Report: Abbas to ask for release of Fatah prisoners, in wake of Shalit deal
In TIME interview, Mahmoud Abbas says former PM Ehud Olmert promised to release Fatah prisoners after any deal to free IDF soldier Gilad Shalit.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas is pushing Israel to release Fatah prisoners following the Israel-Hamas prisoner exchange deal that freed IDF soldier Gilad Shalit, citing a promise he said he received from former prime minister Ehud Olmert, TIME magazine reported on Thursday.
In an interview, Abbas told TIME that Olmert promised to release Fatah prisoners following any Shalit deal.
Olmert preceded Benjamin Netanyahu as prime minister, serving in the post from 2006 through 2009.
Abbas said that the matter of prisoners came up when Olmert on two occasions released several hundred prisoners as gestures ahead of peace talks. Abbas later asked Olmert for a larger release.
Abbas said that Olmert told him, "Now I cannot because we have a Shalit deal, but I promise you when we conclude Shalit and everything is O.K., I will give you, not the same number, not the same quality, more."
""But [Olmert] asked me, 'Please keep it secret, confidential between us because we don't want to affect the deal with Shalit.' I said, 'O.K., O.K., I will keep it.' Now the deal is over, and we will ask them to fulfill their promises."
Army Radio reported on Friday that sources close to Olmert confirmed Abbas' statements, saying that the plan had been to release 550 Fatah prisoners as part of a Shalit deal in order to bolster Abbas's position in the West Bank.
Shalit was captured by Gaza militants in a June 2006 cross-border raid. He was released earlier this week after Israel and Hamas reached a deal in which Israel agreed to free 1,027 Palestinian and Israeli Arab prisoners to get Shalit back.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas is pushing Israel to release Fatah prisoners following the Israel-Hamas prisoner exchange deal that freed IDF soldier Gilad Shalit, citing a promise he said he received from former prime minister Ehud Olmert, TIME magazine reported on Thursday.
In an interview, Abbas told TIME that Olmert promised to release Fatah prisoners following any Shalit deal.
Olmert preceded Benjamin Netanyahu as prime minister, serving in the post from 2006 through 2009.
Abbas said that the matter of prisoners came up when Olmert on two occasions released several hundred prisoners as gestures ahead of peace talks. Abbas later asked Olmert for a larger release.
Abbas said that Olmert told him, "Now I cannot because we have a Shalit deal, but I promise you when we conclude Shalit and everything is O.K., I will give you, not the same number, not the same quality, more."
""But [Olmert] asked me, 'Please keep it secret, confidential between us because we don't want to affect the deal with Shalit.' I said, 'O.K., O.K., I will keep it.' Now the deal is over, and we will ask them to fulfill their promises."
Army Radio reported on Friday that sources close to Olmert confirmed Abbas' statements, saying that the plan had been to release 550 Fatah prisoners as part of a Shalit deal in order to bolster Abbas's position in the West Bank.
Shalit was captured by Gaza militants in a June 2006 cross-border raid. He was released earlier this week after Israel and Hamas reached a deal in which Israel agreed to free 1,027 Palestinian and Israeli Arab prisoners to get Shalit back.
Oct 21, 2011
Netanyahu agrees to freeze West Bank construction in bid to resume talks
Israeli official says freeze will apply solely to 'government construction' in West Bank; Abbas has not yet responded to the proposal.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says he's willing to freeze government construction in West Bank settlements as well as all construction on government land there. In return, he needs an agreement by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to resume direct peace talks.
According to a senior Israeli official, Abbas has not yet responded, but he has been threatening to resign if there is no diplomatic progress in the next three months.
The Prime Minister's Office said, however, that Netanyahu did not offer an additional freeze; Israel's position had not changed: an immediate start to direct talks with the Palestinian Authority with no preconditions.
The senior Israeli official said a new proposal was relayed to Abbas on Wednesday by Colombian Foreign Minister Maria Angela Holguin, who arrived on a surprise visit to Israel and the Palestinian Authority. She was sent by Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos, who has launched a mediation effort in an attempt to break the deadlock in the peace process.
The mediation took shape on October 11, when Abbas arrived in Colombia to try to convince the president of Colombia, currently a member of the UN Security Council, to support the PA's bid for full UN membership, a senior Israeli official said.
Before Abbas' visit, Santos contacted U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, proposing that he mediate due to the close Colombian-Israeli ties and his good relations with Abbas. Clinton gave the effort her blessing.
Santos also spoke to Netanyahu, with whom he had met two weeks earlier on the sidelines of the meeting of the UN General Assembly. Netanyahu said he was ready to cooperate in the Colombian initiative. Though Santos told Abbas he strongly opposed the Palestinians' unilateral statehood bid at the United Nations, Abbas did not oppose Colombian mediation. That laid the groundwork for Santos to send his foreign minister on a secret visit to the region.
On Tuesday she met Abbas in Ramallah and presented a number of formulas for a meeting between Abbas and Netanyahu, one of which would involve a secret meeting between the two in the region. Or there would be secret channels at a lower level. Another option was for the two leaders to meet in Colombia.
Abbas told Holguin that he did not oppose a resumption of negotiations with Israel, but Netanyahu would have to commit to certain steps regarding settlement construction, even if only a symbolic gesture that would let Abbas present it to the Palestinian public as an accomplishment.
On Wednesday, Holguin met with Netanyahu at the Prime Minister's Office. According to a senior Israeli official, Holguin told the prime minister that Abbas was in a particularly gloomy mood and sounded despondent during their talk.
The source noted that Israel had received similar reports recently of Abbas' dejected mood from a number of Western diplomats. According to one report, Abbas was bitter at Netanyahu, saying that the Israeli prime minister would like to see him slaughtered because Abbas was currently the most dangerous person Israel faced. The diplomat said this week's prisoner exchange between Israel and Hamas had made Abbas even more depressed.
Holguin told Netanyahu that Abbas had threatened to resign if there was no progress over the next three months either in the admission of Palestine as a UN member or in negotiations with Israel. Netanyahu said he was not concerned; this was not the first time the Palestinian president had threatened to resign and it wouldn't be the last.
Holguin told Netanyahu that Abbas desperately needed a symbolic gesture from Israel on the settlement issue. Netanyahu surprised her by responding that he would be ready to make such a gesture if it would return Abbas to the negotiating table.
He agreed to freeze construction by the government and to halt building on government land. But he said he would not agree to freeze construction by private developers on privately-owned land in the settlements. Only a small portion of construction in the settlements is carried out or funded by the government, however. Most is performed by private parties.
Netanyahu said the Palestinians were using the settlement issue as an excuse to stay away from the negotiating table, adding that his government had built less in the settlements than any previous government. Netanyahu said he was ready to test Abbas by making the gesture regarding settlements. If Abbas is serious about negotiations, he will renew direct talks, Netanyahu said.
Senior Israeli officials said they do not believe Abbas is interested in renewed talks with Israel but would rather continue to pursue the Palestinian membership bid at the United Nations. This month's prisoner exchange for Gilad Shalit only reinforces that intention, the officials said.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says he's willing to freeze government construction in West Bank settlements as well as all construction on government land there. In return, he needs an agreement by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to resume direct peace talks.
According to a senior Israeli official, Abbas has not yet responded, but he has been threatening to resign if there is no diplomatic progress in the next three months.
The Prime Minister's Office said, however, that Netanyahu did not offer an additional freeze; Israel's position had not changed: an immediate start to direct talks with the Palestinian Authority with no preconditions.
The senior Israeli official said a new proposal was relayed to Abbas on Wednesday by Colombian Foreign Minister Maria Angela Holguin, who arrived on a surprise visit to Israel and the Palestinian Authority. She was sent by Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos, who has launched a mediation effort in an attempt to break the deadlock in the peace process.
The mediation took shape on October 11, when Abbas arrived in Colombia to try to convince the president of Colombia, currently a member of the UN Security Council, to support the PA's bid for full UN membership, a senior Israeli official said.
Before Abbas' visit, Santos contacted U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, proposing that he mediate due to the close Colombian-Israeli ties and his good relations with Abbas. Clinton gave the effort her blessing.
Santos also spoke to Netanyahu, with whom he had met two weeks earlier on the sidelines of the meeting of the UN General Assembly. Netanyahu said he was ready to cooperate in the Colombian initiative. Though Santos told Abbas he strongly opposed the Palestinians' unilateral statehood bid at the United Nations, Abbas did not oppose Colombian mediation. That laid the groundwork for Santos to send his foreign minister on a secret visit to the region.
On Tuesday she met Abbas in Ramallah and presented a number of formulas for a meeting between Abbas and Netanyahu, one of which would involve a secret meeting between the two in the region. Or there would be secret channels at a lower level. Another option was for the two leaders to meet in Colombia.
Abbas told Holguin that he did not oppose a resumption of negotiations with Israel, but Netanyahu would have to commit to certain steps regarding settlement construction, even if only a symbolic gesture that would let Abbas present it to the Palestinian public as an accomplishment.
On Wednesday, Holguin met with Netanyahu at the Prime Minister's Office. According to a senior Israeli official, Holguin told the prime minister that Abbas was in a particularly gloomy mood and sounded despondent during their talk.
The source noted that Israel had received similar reports recently of Abbas' dejected mood from a number of Western diplomats. According to one report, Abbas was bitter at Netanyahu, saying that the Israeli prime minister would like to see him slaughtered because Abbas was currently the most dangerous person Israel faced. The diplomat said this week's prisoner exchange between Israel and Hamas had made Abbas even more depressed.
Holguin told Netanyahu that Abbas had threatened to resign if there was no progress over the next three months either in the admission of Palestine as a UN member or in negotiations with Israel. Netanyahu said he was not concerned; this was not the first time the Palestinian president had threatened to resign and it wouldn't be the last.
Holguin told Netanyahu that Abbas desperately needed a symbolic gesture from Israel on the settlement issue. Netanyahu surprised her by responding that he would be ready to make such a gesture if it would return Abbas to the negotiating table.
He agreed to freeze construction by the government and to halt building on government land. But he said he would not agree to freeze construction by private developers on privately-owned land in the settlements. Only a small portion of construction in the settlements is carried out or funded by the government, however. Most is performed by private parties.
Netanyahu said the Palestinians were using the settlement issue as an excuse to stay away from the negotiating table, adding that his government had built less in the settlements than any previous government. Netanyahu said he was ready to test Abbas by making the gesture regarding settlements. If Abbas is serious about negotiations, he will renew direct talks, Netanyahu said.
Senior Israeli officials said they do not believe Abbas is interested in renewed talks with Israel but would rather continue to pursue the Palestinian membership bid at the United Nations. This month's prisoner exchange for Gilad Shalit only reinforces that intention, the officials said.
Ariel Sharon's son tells NY Times father responsive, moves his fingers
Gilad Sharon tells the Times father has put on weight, family wants him home, has visited him every day since his stroke six years ago.
Former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, who suffered a massive stroke six years ago and is in a coma, responds to some requests and has but on some weight, despite being fed intravenously, his son, Gilad Sharon, told the New York Times.
"When he is awake, he looks at me and moves fingers when I ask him to, I am sure he hears me," the younger Sharon said in a telephone interview with the Times.
Gilad Sharon is publishing a biography of his father's life titled "Sharon: The Life of a Leader", to be released on Tuesday in Hebrew and English, which he has been working on for the past four-and-a-half years.
The former prime minister is currently at Sheba Hospital, but his family hopes he can be returned home.
"The problem is Israeli bureaucracy. I think it would be better for him to be at home," Gilad Sharon told the Times. He continued, saying that either he, his wife, Inbal or his brother Omri had visited his father every day since his stroke six years ago. "We haven't missed a single day," he told the Times.
Sharon was taken back to his home on the Sycamore Farm in the Negev in 2010, however, he was returned to the hospital shortly thereafter, where he has remained.
Former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, who suffered a massive stroke six years ago and is in a coma, responds to some requests and has but on some weight, despite being fed intravenously, his son, Gilad Sharon, told the New York Times.
"When he is awake, he looks at me and moves fingers when I ask him to, I am sure he hears me," the younger Sharon said in a telephone interview with the Times.
Gilad Sharon is publishing a biography of his father's life titled "Sharon: The Life of a Leader", to be released on Tuesday in Hebrew and English, which he has been working on for the past four-and-a-half years.
The former prime minister is currently at Sheba Hospital, but his family hopes he can be returned home.
"The problem is Israeli bureaucracy. I think it would be better for him to be at home," Gilad Sharon told the Times. He continued, saying that either he, his wife, Inbal or his brother Omri had visited his father every day since his stroke six years ago. "We haven't missed a single day," he told the Times.
Sharon was taken back to his home on the Sycamore Farm in the Negev in 2010, however, he was returned to the hospital shortly thereafter, where he has remained.
UN rights expert: Palestinian children subject to arrests, violence by Israel
UN human rights rapporteur for the Palestinian territories Richard Falk calls on Israel to adopt international guidelines for protection of Palestinian children living under Israeli occupation.
A United Nations human rights expert urged on Thursday the international community to step up efforts to protect Palestinians children living in the West Bank, whom he claimed are subject to violence and arrest at the hands of Israeli authorities.
In a statement to the UN General Assembly, Richard Falk, a former New York University professor, cited particular cases in which Palestinian children in the West Bank were arrested or subjected to violence.
The UN human rights rapporteur for the Palestinian territories called on Israel to adopt international guidelines for the protection of Palestinian children living under Israeli occupation.
"Prolonged occupation deforms the development of children through pervasive deprivations affecting health, education and overall security," Falk said in his statement.
He said the number of Palestinian children arrested and prosecuted by Israeli authorities has risen since 2007; however, he did not give a number to support this claim. He said some of those children, who were arrested for allegedly throwing stones at the settlers, were subject to interrogation and abuse.
Falk said 178 Palestinians suffered injuries as a result of violence from Israeli settlers so far in 2011, compared to 176 cases in 2010. The violence involved stone throwing, assaults and shooting by settlers.
"There are almost daily accounts of settler vandalism against Palestinian agricultural land and villages," he said. Falk added that several incidents were videotaped by individuals working for B'Tselem, an Israeli human rights organization.
A United Nations human rights expert urged on Thursday the international community to step up efforts to protect Palestinians children living in the West Bank, whom he claimed are subject to violence and arrest at the hands of Israeli authorities.
In a statement to the UN General Assembly, Richard Falk, a former New York University professor, cited particular cases in which Palestinian children in the West Bank were arrested or subjected to violence.
The UN human rights rapporteur for the Palestinian territories called on Israel to adopt international guidelines for the protection of Palestinian children living under Israeli occupation.
"Prolonged occupation deforms the development of children through pervasive deprivations affecting health, education and overall security," Falk said in his statement.
He said the number of Palestinian children arrested and prosecuted by Israeli authorities has risen since 2007; however, he did not give a number to support this claim. He said some of those children, who were arrested for allegedly throwing stones at the settlers, were subject to interrogation and abuse.
Falk said 178 Palestinians suffered injuries as a result of violence from Israeli settlers so far in 2011, compared to 176 cases in 2010. The violence involved stone throwing, assaults and shooting by settlers.
"There are almost daily accounts of settler vandalism against Palestinian agricultural land and villages," he said. Falk added that several incidents were videotaped by individuals working for B'Tselem, an Israeli human rights organization.
Report: Egypt will release accused Israeli spy within a week
Egyptian newspaper reports that Israeli and U.S. representatives met with Ilan Grapel and told him that negotiations to free him had been concluded, but Egyptian prosecutors have not closed the case.
Egyptian security sources told the Egyptian newspaper al-Masry al-Youm that a lawyer and representatives of the Israeli and U.S. embassies met on Tuesday with Ilan Grapel, the Israeli held in Egypt on suspicion of espionage, and told him that his release had been secured and would take place within a week.
According to the report, the American representative calmed Grapel down and clarified that the embassy had taken steps to assure that he will not be charged or have to go to court.
An Egyptian legal official, however, told the paper that the prosecutors have not received word about any deal to release Grapel, and are planning to charge Grapel in the country's High Court for State Security.
The newspaper a-Sharq al-Awsat reported that the deal to free Grapel will take place at the Taba-Eilat border crossing, and that Israel will simultaneously free the 81 Egyptian prisoners sitting in Israeli jails. The report added that unlike the Gilad Shalit prisoner swap, this exchange would take place far from the prying eyes of the media.
At this point in time, the report said, it is not known if the prisoner exchange will include another Israeli citizen imprisoned in Egypt since 2000 on charges of spying for Israel, Ouda Tarabin.
Ilan Grapel, who holds both Israeli and American citizenships, has been held in Egypt since June 12. At first he was charged with espionage, but later the charges were changed to incitement, insurrection, and damaging a public building during the uprising that took place in Egypt earlier this year.
In the last two months, the U.S. has been especially active in trying to secure Grapel's release. Although U.S. officials have exerted heavy pressure on Egypt, they have been unable to secure his release thus far.
Egyptian security sources told the Egyptian newspaper al-Masry al-Youm that a lawyer and representatives of the Israeli and U.S. embassies met on Tuesday with Ilan Grapel, the Israeli held in Egypt on suspicion of espionage, and told him that his release had been secured and would take place within a week.
According to the report, the American representative calmed Grapel down and clarified that the embassy had taken steps to assure that he will not be charged or have to go to court.
An Egyptian legal official, however, told the paper that the prosecutors have not received word about any deal to release Grapel, and are planning to charge Grapel in the country's High Court for State Security.
The newspaper a-Sharq al-Awsat reported that the deal to free Grapel will take place at the Taba-Eilat border crossing, and that Israel will simultaneously free the 81 Egyptian prisoners sitting in Israeli jails. The report added that unlike the Gilad Shalit prisoner swap, this exchange would take place far from the prying eyes of the media.
At this point in time, the report said, it is not known if the prisoner exchange will include another Israeli citizen imprisoned in Egypt since 2000 on charges of spying for Israel, Ouda Tarabin.
Ilan Grapel, who holds both Israeli and American citizenships, has been held in Egypt since June 12. At first he was charged with espionage, but later the charges were changed to incitement, insurrection, and damaging a public building during the uprising that took place in Egypt earlier this year.
In the last two months, the U.S. has been especially active in trying to secure Grapel's release. Although U.S. officials have exerted heavy pressure on Egypt, they have been unable to secure his release thus far.
Noam Shalit doubts Hamas claims that Gilad wasn't tortured in captivity
Gilad Shalit's father says IDF soldier slowly getting back to normal life, meeting up with friends, playing table-tennis and riding bicycle in village.
Noam Shalit, father of recently released Israel Defense Forces soldier Gilad Shalit, said on Thursday that claims his son was not tortured during his time in Hamas captivity should be taken "with a grain of salt."
"Gilad went through harsh things, at least in the first period (of his captivity). It is correct that after that, after that first period, the way he was treated improved," the older Shalit said at a press conference. Gilad Shalit was freed on Tuesday after over five years in Hamas captivity in exchange for over 1,000 Palestinian prisoners.
How do you feel now that Gilad Shalit is back in Israel? Visit Haaretz.com on Facebook and share your views.
Earlier Thursday, the newspaper Al-Hayat reported that Zuhair Al-Qaisi, leader of the Popular Resistance Committees, the organization that captured Gilad, said the IDF soldier was not subject to any emotional or physical torture during his period in custody.
"He had access to radio and television. We took care of him, his physical and mental health. He was not given over to any emotional or physical torture. He was lightly injured in the course of his capture, and he received the necessary medical care and completely healed," said Al-Qaisi.
Al-Qaisi told Al-Hayat that Imad Hamad, who was the first person to actually abduct Shalit, and who Israel assassinated on August 18, together with the group's previous leader Kamal A-Nirev, interrogated Shalit after capturing him. Hamad asked Shalit his name, citizenship, religion and army assignment on the Gaza border.
"Shalit was very suspicious, but he responded clearly to the questions during the first hours that he was held by the military arm of the Popular Committees," said Al-Qaisi.
Going back to a 'normal' life
At the press conference on Thursday, Noam Shalit said his son's state was improving. "Gilad is feeling better and is under medical surveillance. He went out for a short walk, rode on his bicycle and played table tennis at home. He has met up with friends – friends from the village (Mitzpe Hila), school and childhood friends," he said.
Noam Shalit reported that his son is eating and has an appetite, but he still has trouble sleeping through the night. "He needs his time and needs to adapt [to normal life]," he said.
The elder Shalit claimed the interview conducted at the Rafah crossing in Egypt during Gilad's prisoner swap was forced upon his son. "The interview was unnecessary and out of place," he said.
Noam Shalit said Gilad felt Israel bombing the Gaza Strip during Operation Cast Lead in the winter of 2008-2009. "It's not a picnic to be in a building while above you there are F-15s and F-16s bombing (from above)," he said.
Shalit said his son was aware of much of what was going on in Israel during his captivity. "He (Gilad) had a radio through which he was able to tune into Army Radio, Israeli Radio and Radio Darom (South Israel)," the elder Shalit said.
Noam Shalit said that although his son is doing reasonably well under the circumstances, he is not yet ready to be interviewed by the media. "Let's not forget that Gilad is still an IDF soldier and must adhere to the policies of the IDF Spokesperson's Office," he said.
"Gilad is not a person with requests and demands. He's going with the flow," Noam Shalit said. "We're giving him everything we can at home," he added.
Noam Shalit said the family's first priority is supporting Gilad and as such has been less focused on the Jewish holiday of Simhat Torah. "Naturally, we are not busy with the holiday itself, rather with welcoming Gilad and the start of his rehabilitation. I think this is the first holiday that we can really call a happy holiday," he said.
Noam Shalit, father of recently released Israel Defense Forces soldier Gilad Shalit, said on Thursday that claims his son was not tortured during his time in Hamas captivity should be taken "with a grain of salt."
"Gilad went through harsh things, at least in the first period (of his captivity). It is correct that after that, after that first period, the way he was treated improved," the older Shalit said at a press conference. Gilad Shalit was freed on Tuesday after over five years in Hamas captivity in exchange for over 1,000 Palestinian prisoners.
How do you feel now that Gilad Shalit is back in Israel? Visit Haaretz.com on Facebook and share your views.
Earlier Thursday, the newspaper Al-Hayat reported that Zuhair Al-Qaisi, leader of the Popular Resistance Committees, the organization that captured Gilad, said the IDF soldier was not subject to any emotional or physical torture during his period in custody.
"He had access to radio and television. We took care of him, his physical and mental health. He was not given over to any emotional or physical torture. He was lightly injured in the course of his capture, and he received the necessary medical care and completely healed," said Al-Qaisi.
Al-Qaisi told Al-Hayat that Imad Hamad, who was the first person to actually abduct Shalit, and who Israel assassinated on August 18, together with the group's previous leader Kamal A-Nirev, interrogated Shalit after capturing him. Hamad asked Shalit his name, citizenship, religion and army assignment on the Gaza border.
"Shalit was very suspicious, but he responded clearly to the questions during the first hours that he was held by the military arm of the Popular Committees," said Al-Qaisi.
Going back to a 'normal' life
At the press conference on Thursday, Noam Shalit said his son's state was improving. "Gilad is feeling better and is under medical surveillance. He went out for a short walk, rode on his bicycle and played table tennis at home. He has met up with friends – friends from the village (Mitzpe Hila), school and childhood friends," he said.
Noam Shalit reported that his son is eating and has an appetite, but he still has trouble sleeping through the night. "He needs his time and needs to adapt [to normal life]," he said.
The elder Shalit claimed the interview conducted at the Rafah crossing in Egypt during Gilad's prisoner swap was forced upon his son. "The interview was unnecessary and out of place," he said.
Noam Shalit said Gilad felt Israel bombing the Gaza Strip during Operation Cast Lead in the winter of 2008-2009. "It's not a picnic to be in a building while above you there are F-15s and F-16s bombing (from above)," he said.
Shalit said his son was aware of much of what was going on in Israel during his captivity. "He (Gilad) had a radio through which he was able to tune into Army Radio, Israeli Radio and Radio Darom (South Israel)," the elder Shalit said.
Noam Shalit said that although his son is doing reasonably well under the circumstances, he is not yet ready to be interviewed by the media. "Let's not forget that Gilad is still an IDF soldier and must adhere to the policies of the IDF Spokesperson's Office," he said.
"Gilad is not a person with requests and demands. He's going with the flow," Noam Shalit said. "We're giving him everything we can at home," he added.
Noam Shalit said the family's first priority is supporting Gilad and as such has been less focused on the Jewish holiday of Simhat Torah. "Naturally, we are not busy with the holiday itself, rather with welcoming Gilad and the start of his rehabilitation. I think this is the first holiday that we can really call a happy holiday," he said.
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